upon this power’s contemporary manifestation following the TA 2000. This has enabled an exploration of proscription’s enculturation as an important mechanism of parliamentary security politics today (see Neal 2019 ). Through proscription it is possible to access, in the first instance, a specific yet remarkably consistent framing of the British national identity – and, by extension, the identities of parliamentarians in the Lords or Commons – as a liberal, democratic, tolerant and just political space. Such a framing, of course, relies upon juxtaposition to specific
Drawing on more than 150 interviews with former IRA, INLA, UVF and UFF prisoners, this book is a major analysis of why Northern Ireland has seen a transition from war to peace. Most accounts of the peace process are ‘top-down’, relying upon the views of political elites. This book is ‘bottom-up’, analysing the voices of those who actually ‘fought the war’. What made them fight, why did they stop and what are the lessons for other conflict zones? Using unrivalled access to members of the armed groups, the book offers a critical appraisal of one-dimensional accounts of the onset of peace, grounded in ‘mutually hurting stalemate’ and ‘ripeness’, which downgrade the political and economic aspects of conflict. Military stalemate had been evident since the early 1970s and offers little in explaining the timing of the peace process. Moreover, republicans and loyalists based their ceasefires upon very different perceptions of transformation or victory. Based on a Leverhulme Trust project, the book offers an analysis based on subtle interplays of military, political, economic and personal changes and experiences. Combined, these allowed combatants to move from violence to peace whilst retaining core ideological beliefs and maintaining long-term constitutional visions. Former prisoners now act as ambassadors for peace in Northern Ireland. Knowledge of why and how combatants switched to peaceful methodologies amid widespread skepticism over prospects for peace is essential to our understanding of the management of global peace processes.
Kingdom rushed to denounce the organisation’s barbarisms. In a speech to the United Nations General Assembly, Prime Minister David Cameron ( 2014 ) spoke to ‘the mortal threat we all face’, denouncing ‘ISIL’s sick extremist world view … [and] murderous plans to expand its borders well beyond Iraq and Syria, and to carry out terrorist atrocities right across the world’. Cameron’s then political rival Ed Miliband spoke similarly, if more cautiously, on the need to respond to this threat, arguing in a newspaper editorial around the same time: ‘In the face of this danger I
This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
This book is about the relationship between societies and their instruments of coercion at times of great political and societal change. It traces the scholarly and policy origins of the security sector reform concept, locating its recent rise to prominence in earlier debates about development, security and civil-military relations. The book takes a comparative approach to the concept and policy of security sector reform in transforming societies. It examines the security sector reform experiences of two paired case studies, Croatia and Serbia-Montenegro, through a systematic analytical framework. The book then analyses security sector reform at the political level, the organisational level and the international level in each country. It discusses the political legacy and the organisational legacy of the 1990s in each country. The book analyses the various strategies that international actors have used to try and encourage security sector reform in the two countries, including the provision of reform assistance programmes, and the application of pre- and direct conditionality. It traces how the reform process has impacted on issues of role, force structure, expertise and responsibility in the security sector itself. Finally, the book draws out a series of more generic conclusions regarding the security sector reform concept as a whole and its relationship to wider processes of political and societal transformation.
Based on geo- and biopolitical analyses, this book reconsiders how security policies and practices legitimate state and non-state violence in the Colombian conflict, and uses the case study of the official Democratic Security Policy (DSP) to examines how security discourses write the political identities of state, self and others. It claims that the DSP delimits politics, the political, and the imaginaries of peace and war through conditioning the possibilities for identity formation. The book offers an innovative application of a large theoretical framework on the performative character of security discourses and furthers a nuanced understanding of the security problematique in a postcolonial setting.
We begin our exploration of proscription in the UK with a brief genealogy of the development, use and application of banning powers from the medieval to the modern era. As we shall see, radicalism, terrorism and political violence have been central concerns of almost all local and national authorities through the rocky political history of the British Isles and its dominions. 1 From Saxon Britain to the Rump Parliament to the British Empire, suppression of the threat posed by individuals and political movements has made use of a gamut of precipitous
As innovations in military technologies race toward ever-greater levels of automation and autonomy, debates over the ethics of violent technologies tread water. Discussions about whether lethal drones are the most moral and effective tools to combat terrorism, or whether killer robots could kill more ethically than humans, often end up conflating efficiency with morality and legality with ethicality. Such conceptual confusions raise urgent questions about what is at work in the relationship between lethal technologies, their uses, and the ethical justifications provided for technologised practices of political violence. What enables the framing of instruments for killing as inherently ethical? What socio-political rationale underpins these processes? And what kind of ethical framework for violence is produced in such a socio-political context? Death Machines reframes current debates on the ethics of technologised practices of violence, arguing that the way we conceive of the ethics of contemporary warfare is itself imbued with a set of bio-technological rationalities that work as limits. The task for critical thought must therefore be to unpack, engage, and challenge these limits. Drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt, the book offers a close reading of the technology-biopolitics-complex that informs and produces contemporary subjectivities, highlighting the perilous implications this has for how we think about the ethics of political violence, both now and in the future.
The UK is far from alone in its history of proscription: global politics is littered with efforts to ban non-state and anti-state groups, especially those with communist, anarchical and anti-colonial provenance. The continuing deployment of proscription by parliamentary democracies, dictatorships and oligarchies alike is testament to its enduring appeal for those in power; an indicator, perhaps, of a fear that popular revolt, or the dismantling of the state by other means, remains plausible. Today, proscription powers are deployed widely by states in the
This second of two volumes on the Irish Government’s role in forging the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 and implementing the political power-sharing mechanisms and institutions that followed provides the most expansive account yet of the peace process from the Irish perspective. Drawing from extended interviews with key officials and political leaders, this volume details the challenges faced in managing the peace process to reach agreement, before working to oversee the establishment and implementation of the institutions that resulted from agreement. The interviews in this volume address key areas such a building relationships, trust, confidence, strategic management, pragmatism, engaging militant protagonists and meeting the challenges of leadership, to create a definitive picture of the issues faced by the Irish Government in the attempt to end conflict in Northern Ireland.