The preceding chapters highlighted the longevity and reach of contemporary proscription regimes, as well as the surprising lack of concerted scholarly reflection on the place of these powers in relation to the modern state, and indeed liberal democracy. As we saw, the UK’s own history of proscription is one that we can trace back to the earliest days of the criminal code, although the mechanism is no less significant an expression of political authority today. We argued, therefore, that proscription is reflective of embedded structures of power and authority
upon this power’s contemporary manifestation following the TA 2000. This has enabled an exploration of proscription’s enculturation as an important mechanism of parliamentary security politics today (see Neal 2019 ). Through proscription it is possible to access, in the first instance, a specific yet remarkably consistent framing of the British national identity – and, by extension, the identities of parliamentarians in the Lords or Commons – as a liberal, democratic, tolerant and just political space. Such a framing, of course, relies upon juxtaposition to specific
Law without violence
philosophical-political program as the attempt to rigorously eliminate
violence from law (instead of prolonging it against its own will, p. 61)
can it guide a social transformation that truly does justice to the victims
of past and present legal violence.
I will proceed in four steps. First, I will attempt to reject Menke’s
thesis about the necessary connection of law and violence by discussing two cases of non-coercive law: international law as presented in
Kant’s Metaphysics of Morals (1) and Jewish law as conceptualized by
Extremism and the ‘politics of mutual envy’ in Nigeria?
approach not only transcends violence but incorporates non-violent means to tackle underlying ‘causes’ or ‘ideologies’, such as Salafi and Wahhabi doctrines, that purportedly ‘enable’ or ‘cause’ terrorism. This chapter critically examines the politics behind these interventions through postcolonial and poststructuralist lenses.
To vividly capture the politics of extremism in Nigeria and the transformation of Boko Haram from the non-violent religious study group that it used to be, the chapter adapts insights from The Pied Piper of Hamelin to capture how the Nigerian
Drawing on more than 150 interviews with former IRA, INLA, UVF and UFF prisoners, this book is a major analysis of why Northern Ireland has seen a transition from war to peace. Most accounts of the peace process are ‘top-down’, relying upon the views of political elites. This book is ‘bottom-up’, analysing the voices of those who actually ‘fought the war’. What made them fight, why did they stop and what are the lessons for other conflict zones? Using unrivalled access to members of the armed groups, the book offers a critical appraisal of one-dimensional accounts of the onset of peace, grounded in ‘mutually hurting stalemate’ and ‘ripeness’, which downgrade the political and economic aspects of conflict. Military stalemate had been evident since the early 1970s and offers little in explaining the timing of the peace process. Moreover, republicans and loyalists based their ceasefires upon very different perceptions of transformation or victory. Based on a Leverhulme Trust project, the book offers an analysis based on subtle interplays of military, political, economic and personal changes and experiences. Combined, these allowed combatants to move from violence to peace whilst retaining core ideological beliefs and maintaining long-term constitutional visions. Former prisoners now act as ambassadors for peace in Northern Ireland. Knowledge of why and how combatants switched to peaceful methodologies amid widespread skepticism over prospects for peace is essential to our understanding of the management of global peace processes.
Kingdom rushed to denounce the organisation’s barbarisms. In a speech to the United Nations General Assembly, Prime Minister David Cameron ( 2014 ) spoke to ‘the mortal threat we all face’, denouncing ‘ISIL’s sick extremist world view … [and] murderous plans to expand its borders well beyond Iraq and Syria, and to carry out terrorist atrocities right across the world’. Cameron’s then political rival Ed Miliband spoke similarly, if more cautiously, on the need to respond to this threat, arguing in a newspaper editorial around the same time: ‘In the face of this danger I
This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
This book is about the relationship between societies and their instruments of coercion at times of great political and societal change. It traces the scholarly and policy origins of the security sector reform concept, locating its recent rise to prominence in earlier debates about development, security and civil-military relations. The book takes a comparative approach to the concept and policy of security sector reform in transforming societies. It examines the security sector reform experiences of two paired case studies, Croatia and Serbia-Montenegro, through a systematic analytical framework. The book then analyses security sector reform at the political level, the organisational level and the international level in each country. It discusses the political legacy and the organisational legacy of the 1990s in each country. The book analyses the various strategies that international actors have used to try and encourage security sector reform in the two countries, including the provision of reform assistance programmes, and the application of pre- and direct conditionality. It traces how the reform process has impacted on issues of role, force structure, expertise and responsibility in the security sector itself. Finally, the book draws out a series of more generic conclusions regarding the security sector reform concept as a whole and its relationship to wider processes of political and societal transformation.
We begin our exploration of proscription in the UK with a brief genealogy of the development, use and application of banning powers from the medieval to the modern era. As we shall see, radicalism, terrorism and political violence have been central concerns of almost all local and national authorities through the rocky political history of the British Isles and its dominions. 1 From Saxon Britain to the Rump Parliament to the British Empire, suppression of the threat posed by individuals and political movements has made use of a gamut of precipitous
Based on geo- and biopolitical analyses, this book reconsiders how security policies and practices legitimate state and non-state violence in the Colombian conflict, and uses the case study of the official Democratic Security Policy (DSP) to examines how security discourses write the political identities of state, self and others. It claims that the DSP delimits politics, the political, and the imaginaries of peace and war through conditioning the possibilities for identity formation. The book offers an innovative application of a large theoretical framework on the performative character of security discourses and furthers a nuanced understanding of the security problematique in a postcolonial setting.