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character, and readers who prefer the story to the justification of the plot may want to leave chapter 2 until the end, or skip it entirely. The book has five principle themes, which are no more than abbreviations of well-established ideas not only in the social sciences and humanities, but in theology and political theory and, quite possibly, art and artistic theory. First, the identity paradox – the continual tension between identity as association with some broader group, ideology, or vision, and identity as distinctiveness by contrast within

in Cultivating political and public identity
Open Access (free)

identity and its associated meaning and justification are cultivated and expressed as a dimension of public action: language, dress, the choreography of government and of politics, and the shapes and sounds of social and public life. The physical, created dimensions of identity, from clothes to architecture, are not only the constructed material setting for action, but are also themselves public actions which cultivate, generate, and constitute social persons. To say that artefacts are part of identity is different from attributing purpose, character

in Cultivating political and public identity

1 Politics and belonging in the music of Turkish-French rapper C-it In late July 2011, Michel Raison, a member of the French National Assembly, wrote to the Minister of Culture to suggest censoring ‘certains groupes de musique rap issus de l’immigration’ (certain rap groups of immigrant origin) (Raison 2011)1 because they were a threat to French democracy.2 As an editorialist in the newspaper Le Monde reminded readers, however, it was not young rappers in the banlieue who invented protest music. But previous generations of musicians who ridiculed the French

in Turkish immigration, art and narratives of home in France

1 George Howell, the Webbs and the political culture of early labour history M alcolm Chase George Howell (1833–1910) was the epitome of a nineteenth-century auto­ didact, having received an indifferent education, largely part-time, that ended when he was twelve. Successively a ploughboy, apprentice shoemaker and from the age of twenty-two a bricklayer, he doggedly built a career in labour movement politics, first achieving public prominence as Secretary of the London Trades’ Council in 1861–62. He established a reputation as an exceptionally energetic

in Labour and working-class lives

’s political-economic theology of laissez faire. More particularly it resonates with evolutionary theory as it was taken up and developed by Herbert Spencer’s social Darwinism and subsequent socio-biology. It is worth noting in passing that contemporary zoology very significantly refutes the nineteenth-century notions that animals act as singular hunter-killers. Wolves 126 POLITICAL ECONOMY and lions and similar top predators, the heroes of ‘you eat what you kill’ mythology, are in fact gregarious social animals, they hunt cooperatively and they share what they kill. A

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
Abstract only

equal citizenship that Irish political leaders claim as their own in the name of their republican ideals. Beyond the issue of the overall place of cultural and religious Catholicism, the current denominational structure of the Irish education system, with the legal imposition of particular religious orientations in schools, runs contrary to the new educational methods founded on intercultural and child-centred principles that have made some headway in Irish schools. The most telling illustration is probably the fact that religion classes and religious rituals in 208

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
The place of religion

32 2 Social upheavals and discourses on Irish identity: the place of religion To understand the contemporary relationship between school and religion in the Republic of Ireland, and the policies and debates that affect it, one must take into account the wider changes at work in Irish society over the past forty years. The aim in this chapter is to offer an overview of these changes, of the place of religion in them and of the fluctuations in the dominant discourse on Irish identity, within the political sphere in particular. Many articles and books published

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Still denominational and private

country trying to address this problem. But, sooner or later, we as a society have 114 114 S chools and the politics of religion and diversity to face this, that we cannot seriously go forward with a primary system unique in the developed world in which 99% of primary schools are privately owned religious institutions who, by law, must uphold one particular religious ethos.2 Three UN reports, published in 2005 by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, in 2006 by the Committee on the Rights of the Child (in charge of controlling the progressive

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland

identity and citizenship in the 1999 primary-school curriculum, all school subjects may be studied for such a purpose, but some of them have a closer or more explicit link to issues of identity and citizenship.1 We will look more specifically at the way religion is handled within the context of these issues. In the Irish State, such links may be found more particularly in school history, Social, Personal and Health Education (SPHE) in primary schools, Civic, Social and Political Education (CSPE) in secondary schools, as well as RE or ‘Religion’, as it is often called in

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
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Why do governments pass FOI laws?

, 649). There is frequently both willingness and a pressure towards transparency as laws emerge from a volatile mix of principle, politics and symbolism (Michener 2015c). Numerous actors have, at least some of the time and to some extent, genuinely believed in transparency as a political ideal. Transparency laws, at least in theory, offer a politician a whole range of potential beneficial effects. Some are abstract and symbolic, positioning an actor as a champion, a believer in democracy, or offer- Conclusion: why do governments pass FOI laws? 187 ing them a

in The politics of freedom of information