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a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. In particular, state-centric conceptualisations are inadequate for grasping fully the decentralised aspects of control and organisation, because they overlook the social and discursive dimensions of these processes.3 While this approach is limited in theoretical depth and analytical scope, it is useful for the specific purpose of highlighting the state in its traditional Weberian form, as a uniquely privileged, central

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)

welfare of these refugees. 5 Baghdad’s loss of authority in northern Iraq, when the “Safe Zone” was allotted to the Kurds, did not leave a vacuum for long. The PKK took root in northern Iraq, around the towns of Kerkuk, Sulaymaniya, Dukan, Arbil and Zakho. From there it conducted a campaign of terror against Turkey. Increasingly, in a conflict that verged on civil war, the damage was enormous, with up to sixty casualties daily on both sides. In such an atmosphere, the average Turk regarded any concession to the Kurds – even if merely social or

in Turkey: facing a new millennium

Canadians as expressed in language, religion and social usage’ (Harlow 1964 : 713; Price 1969 : 181–2). Taylor shares Fanon's instinctive appreciation of the potential value of territorially bounded cultural identities without accepting his view that the struggle for cultural recognition is necessarily a struggle for independent statehood. The happy medium between a ‘difference

in Recognition and Global Politics

established the foundations of a new policy which is still valid in current affairs. Thus, the next section will aim to demonstrate that the treaty meant more than a mere ‘friendship’ agreement for both sides, and it was not based only on their common struggle against Western imperialism. In particular, the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty had crucial importance for the political transition of the Turkish state in terms of reasserting its sovereignty within the proclaimed national borders. The first recognition of modern Turkish statehood: the Treaty of Moscow The most

in Turkey facing east
Language, education and the Catholic Church

6 The nation in social practice II Language, education and the Catholic Church The language question Many writers argue that language is one of the distinguishing aspects of a nation. Eugene Hammel, for instance, suggested that in the Balkans, linguistic and religious identification are the primary sources of nationality.1 Attempts to form a codified language for the Southern Slavs were a cornerstone of the Illyrian movement in the nineteenth century and both Yugoslav states tried to enforce a standardised state language as a means of avoiding the potentially

in The formation of Croatian national identity

the name of the nation, and states have disintegrated into bitterness and conflict as a result. Nationalism can be very exclusive. Much of the thinking described in this chapter prizes a solidarity that is strong yet socially inclusive. In section 1 the issue of solidarity will be explained. Nationalists argue that solidarity derived from ‘thin’ concepts like ‘justice’ and ‘utility’ cannot bind people to

in Political concepts

disintegration of the Ottoman Empire became the crux of the ‘state question’ in Anatolia.56 It was a crucial period in determining the future of the Turkish transition to modernity. An analysis of the two main solutions – the Ottoman solution and the opposed social movement as the Anatolian solution – will be carried out in accordance with the main requirements of modern statehood in Turkey’s engagement with modernity. The Ottoman solution: a US mandate After the Armistice of Mudros, the Ottoman government in Istanbul believed that the disintegration of the empire could be

in Turkey facing east
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organisations for employers, farmers, waged workers, youth, etc., operating amid a Catholic population under strong clerical guidance. In the latter there was no Catholic party (although there was often a distinctive skew in Catholic party preferences), key social organisations like trade unions were constituted on a non-​confessional basis and the Catholic clergy did not (or at some stage ceased to10) take part in politics. However, Ireland, with its Catholic majority, was not a typical member of the Anglo-​American group and, once southern statehood had been achieved, a

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
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also very different. As David Francis argues, the African state is “fundamentally different from the western-centric understanding of the state and statehood” and “is dynamic, incorporating indigenous and traditional norms of governance with the trappings of the Westphalian modern state.”35 And as such state reconstruction is not about replicating Western notions, but finding ways to more accurately reflect the reality of the African political and social environment. This will be a challenge not only for Africa but for the international community and the West in

in African security in the twenty-first century
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intimately linked to the interests of the society as a whole. It is a product of the development of modern statehood and industrialisation. Over the last two centuries there has been massive social and technological change, involving scientific enquiry, greater rationality, the development of a more centralised state, greater social mobility and the prospect of social reform. These enormous changes created a modern sense of history and

in Understanding political ideas and movements