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Waiting for freedom

Epilogue: Waiting for freedom Where is your responsibility? Drawing on ethnographic analysis, I have sought to make a number of contributions to social theory in this book. First, I have engaged with the recently emerging sociology of waiting and theorised waiting as a form of state control (operating at the meso, or policy, level of society), but also as a form of political subjectivity (at the micro level) and an organising logic legitimating a national austerity regime (at the macro level). Secondly, the analysis that I have laid out contributes to the

in Politics of waiting
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may well bring the Spanish state to its knees…. Spain’s austerity–recession feedback loop is similar to the process that fed economic contraction in Greece.’7 Anxiety over future developments in Spain spread across the EU. The rate of interest available to Spain on the international bond markets exceeded 6.5%, rendering Spanish debt unsustainable. The New York Times reported: In a season of nightmare projections for Europe, this one could be the scariest: Greece leaves the euro currency union at the same time Spain’s banking system is collapsing.… if a Spanish

in The European debt crisis
Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Smiles and Victorian moralism

, this was a version of womanhood that was to prove incredibly pervasive, arguably making its way into current-​day rhetoric on household thrift under austerity, as this book will show. Charles Dickens too promoted thrift, presenting characters that came undone due to either their miserly, or their reckless, financial behaviour. Scrooge, of course, in A Christmas Carol, was typical of the former, as was the recognition of William Dorrit in Little Dorrit when he said ‘I am the only child of parents who weighed, measured, and priced everything; for whom what could not be

in A brief history of thrift

stringent policy of austerity: ‘The Europeans delayed in drawing up their programme, its concept was wrong, and the distribution of burdens it provided was unjust. The Europeans bear the responsibility for developments in Greece.’2 The Troika, of course, did not subscribe to the above analysis. Matthias Mors, the representative of the European Commission, stated in an interview he gave in October 2011: in general no mistakes were made in the original plan.… It is true that we underrated the depth of recession. To a certain extent, there were developments that surpassed

in The European debt crisis
The Party of European Socialists and the financial crisis

evident, the PES began to try to develop new ideas and policies, in particular by challenging the growing move towards austerity programmes and instead calling for ambitious investment programmes. Third, as the crisis moved on to become a very specific threat to the stability and security of the Euro-zone, the PES began to focus particularly on the future cohesion of the single currency and of the EU, trying to find a means of encouraging European unity. In the The PES and the financial crisis217 final section, we analyse the policy response. Our analysis is built

in European social democracy during the global economic crisis
The impact of austerity politics in France

Introduction The crisis and recession of the late 2000s and early 2010s impacted France as much as other western democracies, producing destabilising effects for the political system as a whole (Hernández & Kriesi, 2015 ; Morlino & Raniolo, 2017 ). Austerity policies were adopted in response to the financial crisis, but inevitably redefined the domestic policy agenda with quite remarkable consequences on electoral behaviour and citizens’ satisfaction with politics as well as on governments’ strategies in building

in The European left and the financial crisis
The Irish left and the crisis

Introduction The Republic of Ireland was one of the countries worst hit by the global financial crisis and the ensuing Eurozone crisis. It was the first EU country to go into recession and the first to require a bailout, it was effectively under the control of the troika and endured austerity measures for several years. Even though the country officially emerged from bailout conditions at the end of 2013, and recorded the highest rate of growth among EU member states in subsequent years, the social costs still weighed

in The European left and the financial crisis

devaluation, and austerity-oriented fiscal policies are used to complement and Labour policies in a deflationary environment 269 reinforce the structural reforms. Consequently, the landscape of industrial relations has deeply changed and the ‘European social acquis’, rooted in social dialogue and public systems of social protection, is everywhere in retreat. A ‘toxic austeritarism’ (Hyman, 2015) ‘has left little or no margin for domestic democratic institutions and social actors, downgraded from political to executive subjects’ (Leonardi, 2016). The long crisis and the

in Making work more equal
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The bank guarantee and Ireland’s financialised neo-liberal growth model

alternative cure but austerity, with Ireland again featuring as a prime example. This chapter looks at how the bank guarantee epitomises the Irish case of the perverse legacy of the crisis and the contradictory path of neo-liberalism. Discussing the bank guarantee and the ensuing crisis is to wade into by now well-worn territory. The crisis has generated endless commentary which identifies a range of culprits for Ireland’s economic disaster, including a cast of nutty bankers, greedy builders, public sector wasters, crony politicians, inept bureau­crats and, more broadly

in Defining events
Developing relations with the movements and broader European radical left

action in September 2010, and in 2011–12 increasingly vocally opposed the EU's austerity policies as outlined in the December 2011 proposed treaty on strengthening budget discipline (ETUC, 2012 ). The EL, for its part, was aware of this and sought to co-ordinate actions with the ETUC (Gau, 2011 ). This resulted in the ETUC President addressing the EL's fifth Congress in Madrid in 2013 (European Left, 2013b ). The ETUC remains a pressure group without much authority over national unions or workers; therefore it is not a force with which employers or governments have

in The European Left Party