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minority lay not in their own hands but with Dublin. This was a view extensively held in northern nationalist circles (despite de Valera’s earlier rebuttals) and strongly supported by the hierarchy of the Catholic Church. Speaking in Derry in January 1940 the 32 The outbreak of war, 1939–40 newly appointed Bishop of Derry, the Most Revd Dr Farren, admonished ‘those leaders and Parties in the Twenty-Six Counties who, to judge by events, seem to be more concerned with domestic affairs than with the best means whereby one-third of the Irish people may be delivered out of

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70

. faced with the failure of existing anti-partitionist policies, it also sought to improve relations with unionists in northern ireland. The pages that follow consider how Tuairim was able to contribute to the debates that informed these policy shifts. firstly, Tuairim members saw, during the 1950s, the need for new policies and to challenge what they perceived as the dominance of a powerful catholic church and conservative political elite. This factor explains the urgency with which the society sought reform of political, economic and social policy in ireland. Tuairim

in Tuairim, intellectual debate and policy formulation
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Church and state in The Bell

, the Roman Catholic Church and the Irish state. O’Faoláin identified this as the case when he reflected on his six years as editor of The Bell between 1940 and 1946: In the days of The Bell I was fully integrated because I was on the attack. I had accepted responsibility as a citizen and thought of myself as speaking for a great silent majority … I found a silent minority which in time became more numerous. Life in Ireland has changed completely since those days – not, to be sure, because of liberals like myself, but, inevitably, with the changing quality of life

in Rebel by vocation
Tuairim’s challenge to the conservative consensus on education and childcare

made by the society. Tuairim’s vision was of a more integrated system of education for all individuals including those children in full-time care. This was radically different from that of the department of education, which maintained that the state had a limited role in education and childcare, while the catholic church considered these areas within its sphere of influence. Tuairim’s views resulted in its being regarded with hostility by elements of the political and religious establishments. That was certainly the case with the dublin branch after the publication

in Tuairim, intellectual debate and policy formulation
Tuairim and cultural conservatism

alienated writers from the state and from the catholic church, which supported the system. public opinion, insofar as it can be gauged, appears to have supported censorship as it existed in ireland. While there were those including the catholic hierarchy who enthusiastically defended censorship and others who criticised it, the majority of people acquiesced in the decisions that were taken. furthermore, private censorship by library committees, organisations such as the catholic Truth Society, customs officials or concerned citizens, who might highlight indecent

in Tuairim, intellectual debate and policy formulation
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Spanish Romanticism’, examines the representation of ritual violence, as sanctioned by the Catholic Church, in English and Spanish pictorial and literary texts between 1796 and 1834. Taking a passage from Maturin’s Melmoth the Wanderer as a key reference point, Curbet explores how Gothic writing manages to offer an Enlightenment intellectual perspective on sacrificial acts whilst drawing the reader into

in European Gothic
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Hymns ancient and modern

-appreciated spectrum of opinion within the Catholic Church on matters doctrinal and moral prior to the Second Vatican Council, the changed cultural setting of late twentieth-century Britain allowed for 258-270 FaithFamily Ch 6.indd 260 04/04/2013 14:40 Conclusion261 greater acknowledgment and articulation of this diversity of opinion and practice, and the reconfiguration of a Catholic identity accordingly. * Writing in The Tablet in 1970 prognosticating what ‘the church in 1984’ would be like, layman J. M. Cameron reflected on the Council and wrote of the passing of a certain

in Faith in the family
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A woman’s right to choose

executive and a membership of 26,000 people by 1980. LIFE was organised along similar lines but proved slightly less popular, with a membership of 20,000.43 Branches of SPUC and LIFE could be found throughout Britain. SPUC witnessed an increase of 14 to 33 branches in 1976 alone.44 Its political strength was drawn from the Catholic Church. The other major advantage for groups like SPUC was that they were able to secure strong financial backing, raising at least £250,000 per year.45 They spent this money on publicity, including numerous poster campaigns and distributing

in The women’s liberation movement in Scotland

class-based alliance between Irish and British workers excited radicals and deeply alarmed the ruling authorities of both the Catholic Church and the British state. In Manchester the alliance did achieve a brief but fleeting reality. United Irish and English During the 1790s, as Catholic numbers in Manchester began to rise with a growing Irish influx, some became involved in the political life of the city. Some of the more prosperous became trustees of the city infirmary and some were members of anti-slavery groups, but the outbreak of war with France in 1793 brought

in The Irish in Manchester c. 1750–1921
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postulant and a novice created the basis of the identity of women religious. It was a paradoxical identity, and in this chapter its meaning will be explored in various contexts. Postulants Fervent religious devotion, zeal for philanthropic activity and attraction to religious life were important precursors to successful active vocations. However, the existence of these attributes did not assure a woman entry into a congregation. The Roman Catholic Church listed various criteria for those entering religious life, the foremost being that they must lead ‘irrépréhensible

in Contested identities