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-Germanism lent legitimacy to the Austrofascist state’s attempt to rebuild Austria as a sovereign, self-determined nation-state in the interwar period. From liberal ideals to nationalist solutions Pan-Germanism first emerged in the 1848–49 revolutions as a liberal platform for reforming the Confederate states on the basis of the constitutional freedoms of education, private property and civic equality.2 However, the competing nationalist programmes of the German and Austrian liberals prevented the goal of German political unity from being realized. In particular the question of

in Pan-Germanism and the Austrofascist state, 1933–38

Secretary, in a statement during a foreign affairs debate in the House of Commons, ‘stressed the stability of the German political system and the confidence of the British Government in its further democratic development’.73 The incident reflected not only the concern in Britain about the rise of right-wing German extremism, as even featured in popular culture, but also was symptomatic of a small undercurrent of anti-German sentiment that continued to run through British society.74 Nevertheless, it is important to put this into perspective. British opinion was

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Hardware or software?

position of the President was equivocal to say the least but, as George Ball, the Under-Secretary of State, later suggested, ‘President Johnson became increasingly cool towards the idea’.3 The German government was seemingly committed to the MLF, not because it offered the prospect of ownership of nuclear weapons (although whether such ownership was an aim that enjoyed meaningful support within German political and military circles was, and remains, open to question) but because it would strengthen the security guarantee of the United States. Nevertheless, the governing

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70

but it could hinder the budget; ‘only repatriation and disbandment [would] really do the trick’ and, critically in the light of Britain’s economic problems, ‘[Britain] may need to enlist German political support for [its] next battle with the IMF’. For all these reasons, argued Trend, ‘we should not face the Germans with the stark choice of finding more money or of seeing our forces reduced’.24 Healey wrote to Wilson in support of Trend, making it clear that he would not wish at this stage of the defence review to go as far as Callaghan in negotiations with the

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Re-casting the ‘cripple’ in war-time Germany

the National Hygiene Museum in Dresden and its 1911 path-breaking travelling Hygiene Exhibit. For more on Lingner, the National Hygiene Museum and the International Hygiene Exhibit, see Paul M. Weindling, Health, Race, and German Politics Between National Unification and Nazism, 1870–1945 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989.) 40 Karl Lingner, Ausstellung für Verwundeten (Dresden), iii. 41 Lingner, Ausstellung für Verwundeten (Dresden), iii–iv. 42 Lingner, Ausstellung für Verwundeten (Dresden), iv. For a brief discussion of the Dresden expansion of the

in Recycling the disabled
The moron as a diseased entity

, ‘Metaphoric connections’, p. 373; ‘Nazified medicine’, New York Times (6 December 1942), section IV, 11; ‘New German etymology for eugenics’, Eugenical News 19:5 (1934), 125–6; Proctor, Racial Hygiene, chapter 3, and The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999); Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics, p. 291, and Weindling’s Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), chapters 2 and 3. 16 H.M. Hanauske-­Able, ‘From Nazi holocaust to nuclear holocaust: A lesson to learn’?, Lancet 2:8501 (1986

in Framing the moron

–​200, Band 1823, Harkort to AA, 24 July 1963. 4 Ibid., von Trützschler to AA, 2 August 1963. 5 AA-​PA, Bestand B20–​200, Band 1825, Lahr note, 5 August 1963. 6 AA-​PA, Bestand B31, Band 276, Trützschler to AA, 31 January 1964. 7 AA-​PA, Bestand B20–​200, Band 1823, Harkort to AA, 1 February 1965. 8 A. Grosser, Germany in Our Time: A Political History of the Postwar Years, trans. Paul Stephenson (London: Pall Mall Press, 1971), p. 314. 9 Pulzer, German Politics, p. 74; J. W. Friend, The Linchpin: French-​German Relations, 1950–​90 (New York: Praeger, 1991

in Ireland, West Germany and the New Europe, 1949– 73
The restructuring of work in Germany

terms of the apparent ‘Third Way’ discourse adopted by Schröder, this has subsequently been put at a distance, not least because it was contested by organised labour, a group that have effectively been ‘integrated’ into the restructuring process (Ryner and Schulten, 2002: 1). ‘Schröder is no Tony Blair, no third way-ist, and he almost certainly regrets bringing out with Blair the policy document on Social Democrat party modernisation’ (Marsh, 2000: 75). Not only has the German political programme sought to distance itself from UK-US-style hyperflexibility, but it has

in Globalisation contested
Abstract only
The importance of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art in imperial contexts

. 58 W. A. Coupe, German Political Satires from the Reformation to the Second World War, Part I 1500–1848 – Commentary , White Plains, NY: Kraus International, 1993, pp. xi–xiii. 59 Coupe, German Political Satires , p. xi. 60 Richard Scully, ‘The

in Comic empires
The Manchester Quakers and refugees, 1938–1940

and other foreigners’ miles south of Manchester, then in use for residential courses mounted by Professor R.D. Waller, head of the Extra-Mural Department of Manchester University.55 Six refugees, described in the QRC’s minutes as ‘Czechs’, but in fact German political exiles brought to London from Prague by the Czech Trust Fund, arrived at the Guildhouse on 19 December 1938.56 This also marked the beginning of the QRC’s contacts with the Manchester branch of the National Council of Women (NCW), which since November had begun to interest itself in ‘Czech’ refugees

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’