-Germanism lent legitimacy to the Austrofascist state’s
attempt to rebuild Austria as a sovereign, self-determined nation-state in
the interwar period.
From liberal ideals to nationalist solutions
Pan-Germanism ﬁrst emerged in the 1848–49 revolutions as a liberal
platform for reforming the Confederate states on the basis of the constitutional freedoms of education, private property and civic equality.2
However, the competing nationalist programmes of the German and Austrian liberals prevented the goal of Germanpolitical unity from being
realized. In particular the question of
Secretary, in a statement during a foreign affairs debate
in the House of Commons, ‘stressed the stability of the Germanpolitical system and the confidence of the British Government in its
further democratic development’.73 The incident reflected not only
the concern in Britain about the rise of right-wing German extremism, as even featured in popular culture, but also was symptomatic
of a small undercurrent of anti-German sentiment that continued to
run through British society.74 Nevertheless, it is important to put this
into perspective. British opinion was
the President was equivocal to say the least but, as George Ball, the
Under-Secretary of State, later suggested, ‘President Johnson became
increasingly cool towards the idea’.3 The German government was
seemingly committed to the MLF, not because it offered the prospect
of ownership of nuclear weapons (although whether such ownership
was an aim that enjoyed meaningful support within Germanpolitical
and military circles was, and remains, open to question) but because
it would strengthen the security guarantee of the United States.
Nevertheless, the governing
but it could hinder the budget;
‘only repatriation and disbandment [would] really do the trick’ and,
critically in the light of Britain’s economic problems, ‘[Britain] may
need to enlist Germanpolitical support for [its] next battle with the
IMF’. For all these reasons, argued Trend, ‘we should not face the
Germans with the stark choice of finding more money or of seeing
our forces reduced’.24 Healey wrote to Wilson in support of Trend,
making it clear that he would not wish at this stage of the defence
review to go as far as Callaghan in negotiations with the
the National Hygiene Museum in Dresden and its 1911 path-breaking travelling Hygiene Exhibit. For more on Lingner, the National Hygiene Museum and
the International Hygiene Exhibit, see Paul M. Weindling, Health, Race, and
GermanPolitics Between National Unification and Nazism, 1870–1945 (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1989.)
40 Karl Lingner, Ausstellung für Verwundeten (Dresden), iii.
41 Lingner, Ausstellung für Verwundeten (Dresden), iii–iv.
42 Lingner, Ausstellung für Verwundeten (Dresden), iv. For a brief discussion of the
Dresden expansion of the
, ‘Metaphoric connections’, p. 373; ‘Nazified medicine’, New York Times (6 December 1942), section IV, 11; ‘New German
etymology for eugenics’, Eugenical News 19:5 (1934), 125–6; Proctor, Racial
Hygiene, chapter 3, and The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1999); Weindling, Health, Race and GermanPolitics, p. 291,
and Weindling’s Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890–1945 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2000), chapters 2 and 3.
16 H.M. Hanauske-Able, ‘From Nazi holocaust to nuclear holocaust: A lesson to
learn’?, Lancet 2:8501 (1986
–200, Band 1823, Harkort to AA, 24 July 1963.
4 Ibid., von Trützschler to AA, 2 August 1963.
5 AA-PA, Bestand B20–200, Band 1825, Lahr note, 5 August 1963.
6 AA-PA, Bestand B31, Band 276, Trützschler to AA, 31 January 1964.
7 AA-PA, Bestand B20–200, Band 1823, Harkort to AA, 1 February 1965.
8 A. Grosser, Germany in Our Time: A Political History of the Postwar Years, trans. Paul
Stephenson (London: Pall Mall Press, 1971), p. 314.
9 Pulzer, GermanPolitics, p. 74; J. W. Friend, The Linchpin: French-German Relations,
1950–90 (New York: Praeger, 1991
of the apparent ‘Third Way’ discourse adopted by Schröder, this has subsequently been put at a distance, not least because it was contested by organised
labour, a group that have effectively been ‘integrated’ into the restructuring
process (Ryner and Schulten, 2002: 1). ‘Schröder is no Tony Blair, no third
way-ist, and he almost certainly regrets bringing out with Blair the policy
document on Social Democrat party modernisation’ (Marsh, 2000: 75).
Not only has the Germanpolitical programme sought to distance itself
from UK-US-style hyperflexibility, but it has
The importance of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art in imperial
Richard Scully and Andrekos Varnava
W. A. Coupe, GermanPolitical Satires from the Reformation to the Second World War, Part I 1500–1848 – Commentary , White Plains, NY: Kraus International, 1993, pp. xi–xiii.
Coupe, GermanPolitical Satires , p. xi.
Richard Scully, ‘The
and other foreigners’
miles south of Manchester, then in use for residential courses mounted by
Professor R.D. Waller, head of the Extra-Mural Department of Manchester
University.55 Six refugees, described in the QRC’s minutes as ‘Czechs’, but in
fact Germanpolitical exiles brought to London from Prague by the Czech
Trust Fund, arrived at the Guildhouse on 19 December 1938.56 This also
marked the beginning of the QRC’s contacts with the Manchester branch of
the National Council of Women (NCW), which since November had begun
to interest itself in ‘Czech’ refugees