while staying relevant to new contexts, and even to transcend conflicting beliefs, offering a unifying set of values for a diverse society to hold in common. Unfortunately, it is also very difficult to sustain in practice. Governments and their associated funding bodies will almost inevitably fail to reconcile the appealing language of shared consensus with the vexed task of

in Cultural value in twenty-first-century England

Chapter 2 . Government and people during the Elizabethan wars A s we have seen, the Elizabethan regime had considerable scope to mould the structures of local government such that men supportive to its aims were placed in positions of power. But this could only set the stage for the implementation of policy, when the regime had to deal with the political nation at large, a much wider and potentially less committed constituency. Even if they supported the ends to which it was directed, the work involved in running the local end of a national war effort was

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties

6 Transference and the Labour government, 1929–31 ‘On the whole’, Beatrice Webb confided to her diary in 1929, ‘we are satisfied with the result of the General Election.’ On 1 June, Beatrice and Sydney sat up with their friends Harold and Frida Laski until 2.30 a.m. to listen to the results. Beatrice found herself ‘almost hysterical’ at ‘the flowing tide of Labour victories’ and ‘the final collapse of the Liberal Party’.1 She had little to say about the Conservatives, who gained more votes than Labour but won twentyseven fewer seats. Under Britain’s first

in Working men’s bodies
The Ministerial Code

7 Regulation at the centre of ­government: the Ministerial Code Introduction All office-holders within the executive, whether ministers or civil servants, are subject to broad principles of good governance, such as the Seven Principles of Public Life, and must not exploit office for personal gain. They must exercise the power of executive office within the law. They are also expected to be accountable:  ministers to the legislature and ultimately to voters, civil servants to their political masters or their senior managers, and for some senior civil servants

in The regulation of standards in British public life
The establishment of the UAB and mass action

5 The government attempts to take a stand: the establishment of the UAB and mass action After the years that I have been in public life I thought I knew something about the arts of misleading the public and that I could detect them immediately I saw them, but I have seen nothing to compare with what has been happening under this new system... . There are friends of mine in my own division, unemployed men, who actually thought that their lot would be made better. J. J. Lawson, Labour MP, Chester-le-Street.1 South Wales was the centre of the storm. There

in Unemployment and the state in Britain

3 Local political leadership and mayoral government Introduction The introduction of directly elected mayors into the English local political landscape has brought an additional dimension to political representation and new electoral opportunities for the voters to cast a judgement on their local political leaders. Moreover, the office of elected mayor throws into sharp relief distinctions between representative democracy and representative government: the former comprises political processes which allow citizens to have an ‘indirect’ participation in

in Leading the localities
Indigenous civil rights in nineteenth-century New Zealand, Canada and Australia

people. The new ‘ultra-democratic government’, he wrote, ‘in which the Maoris cannot be allowed their fair share of power, will not long abstain from giving them cause for discontent’. 1 It was a shrewd prediction. With the withdrawal of the Crown from the management of Maori affairs, the rapid influx of new settlers and with all white men enfranchised, who would adjudicate

in Law, history, colonialism

Chapter 1 Anglo-German relations in 1964 – continuity or change? T he Labour government that came to power in October 1964 promised the renewal of Britain. Labour’s election manifesto provided little evidence, however, that the Party harboured any enthusiasm for the ideal of a united Europe, with Britain at its heart. Rather, it would be the nurturing of Britain’s links with the Commonwealth that would form the bedrock of Labour’s foreign policy.1 For a more detailed exposition of Labour’s foreign policy objectives, should it come to power, we would have to

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Abstract only

and difficult period in our history.’1 What Palliser had in mind in referring to a transition was the intention of the British government to withdraw its armed forces from east of Suez, and henceforth to concentrate Britain’s defence priorities on Europe, and to seek once again membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). Whilst Britain’s relationship with the United States would continue to be important and the United States’ involvement in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) would remain central to Britain’s security strategy, Europe would

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Abstract only

Conclusion T he years between 1964 and 1970 are often considered as a period crucial in British post-war history, as a period when Britain faced the consequences of the loss of Empire and of increasing international economic competition. For the Labour governments under Harold Wilson, the challenges were immense: managing an economy beset by serious balance of payments problems, with all the implications this held for Britain’s world position; preserving Britain’s nuclear status, after intimating that it should be abandoned and, at the same time, preventing the

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70