claim that survey data overlooks key dimensions both of the nature of the political and of the complex social contexts in which 40 FROM ENTERTAINMENT TO CITIZENSHIP media use takes place is well illustrated by the results of an ethnographic study of media literacy education by Dunsmore and Lagos (2008). In this they compare their experiences of working with a group of inner-city high school students who produced various television programmes dealing with political issues, with the results of a survey of the political participation and media use of the same students

in From entertainment to citizenship

this book. They help to explain how, for some writers, it becomes reasonable to ask whether entertainment might lead to citizenship, just as they help to account for the doubts raised by others, for whom citizenship is simply a matter of the rights granted by the constitution and determined by the law. For the latter, the entertainment industry is of no relevance. We ourselves adopt the former position, one associated with the socalled ‘cultural turn’ in the social sciences (Butler 1997; Nash 2000, 2001; Goodin and Tilly 2008). To focus on culture is to question

in From entertainment to citizenship
Reading the politics within popular culture

would be ignorant of politics? They might well have knowledge of how political processes operate, of the motivation of politicians and of the issues that 56 FROM ENTERTAINMENT TO CITIZENSHIP occupy them. They might too have knowledge of past political events. To which it might be objected that their knowledge is flawed in the sense that it derives from works of fiction and of the imagination. To a committed post-structuralist, there is an instant comeback: both ‘news’ and ‘entertainment’ are media constructs, neither of which can be measured against some standard

in From entertainment to citizenship
Abstract only
Creating collective identities

provide opportunities of such interaction; video games were seen like this too. The following focus group may have disagreed over the quality of ­specific games and consoles. However, it agreed on the importance of interactivity and enjoying popular culture together as a group: e: So I think in a game you need loads of stuff to keep it going. d: That’s with all games really, if you can play your friends and stuff. 106 FROM ENTERTAINMENT TO CITIZENSHIP f: Yeah, it’s good because some games have one player and two player modes, rather than one player and it’s just

in From entertainment to citizenship
Abstract only

authenticity of a subject, or judgements about the extent to which the process of 72 FROM ENTERTAINMENT TO CITIZENSHIP ­ ediation has rendered a subject differently from that which it is in m unmediated circumstances. Dorr (1983) also proposed two further ways of understanding claims of the ‘real’ and the ‘unreal’ by suggesting that, rather than asking simply how true to life representations are, what matters most is how authentic they are perceived to be in addressing young people’s concerns. Put another way, she argued that claims to what is ‘real’ are claims about what

in From entertainment to citizenship

had not acquired in their early years a knowledge of the obligations of free citizenship? We may claim that the movement was not without effect on the successful prosecution of the world war in defence of liberty and justice. 6 Others, as will be seen, concurred with his general

in Citizenship, Nation, Empire

markers of power. For our respondents, maturity, seriousness, masculinity and business success were signals of authority that legitimated access to public politics. But before we look in more detail at how young people 88 FROM ENTERTAINMENT TO CITIZENSHIP think about celebrity politicians, we need to say a bit more by way of background. Background: the rise of the celebrity politician We have chosen to focus upon one particular type of celebrity politician, the star who chooses to engage in politics. There are, in fact, many different forms of the phenomenon, and

in From entertainment to citizenship
The English ‘race’

most civilised and progressive nation as a model to which other races should aspire. If other races accepted and subsumed themselves within the dominant English narrative, they were welcomed into the imperial fold. Englishness was presented as biologically determined by virtue of Anglo-Saxon origins: however, reading books reflect contemporary notions that citizenship could be

in Citizenship, Nation, Empire
Abstract only

attached to the creation of a history curriculum which would promote ‘enlightened patriotism’: that is, an education which prioritised the needs of citizenship and morality above the inculcation of what contemporaries dubbed ‘crude’ or ‘blind nationalism’. 3 Indeed, this book explains how educationists exercised far greater influence than has previously been recognised

in Citizenship, Nation, Empire
Male youth, work and leisure, 1870–1914

, which had uncovered fears that the British city was harboring ‘unfit stock’, he wrote that Britain was faced with a phenomenon unique in world history: 89 90 Leisure, citizenship and working-class men in Britain Turbulent rioting over military successes, Hooliganism, and a certain temper of fickle excitability has revealed to observers during the past few months that a new race, hitherto unreckoned and of incalculable action, is entering the sphere of practical importance – the ‘City type’ of the coming years; the ‘street-bred’ people of the twentieth century; the

in Leisure, citizenship and working-class men in Britain, 1850–1945