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social activity, which avoided direct competition within families or communities by focusing interest on indirect competition between horses and jockeys. Even if people disagreed about a horse’s chances, the only personal competition for the punter was between him and the bookmaker. Yet betting aroused powerful emotions and strong opposition in wider British society. To understand its place we need to examine the nature of the opposition to betting, and those who disliked it, found it irrelevant or disagreed with it, now we have examined those who enjoyed betting

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Working-class schooling, 1870–1939

equip Britain for an era of increasing international competition. 3 In reality it was perhaps a staging post to uniformity since the Act was in many ways a compromise to appease existing educational establishments. The Act did not establish a new national system; education was neither free nor compulsory and it accommodated the extant voluntary school system. The key breakthrough was the establishment of

in Visions of empire
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the other. Despite the gradual recognition of environmental protection as an ‘independent’ policy field within the EU, this link continues to play an important role up to the present day. Thirdly, important patterns are linked to the multi-level character of the EU, such as the phenomenon of regulatory competition between the member states and the typical problems of national adaptation to European requirements in the implementation phase. Finally, the notorious implementation problems that characterize this policy field must be mentioned. These patterns have been

in Environmental politics in the European Union

inappropriate for dealing with the particular characteristics of sport. Whilst those subsystems dealing with general market regulation were appropriate for most economic sectors, sport was considered different. The traditional rules of market competition did not apply to sport. The ruling in Bosman confirmed the view of many who believed that sport needed to be dealt with on its own merits. This was a particularly pressing issue as sport was beginning to develop into a significant economic sector. The potential for sport to be unsympathetically treated within such economic

in Sports law and policy in the European Union

240 The emergence of footballing cultures 11 School, work and leisure By 1919 the Manchester region housed multiple leagues and competitions for all ages and there were tournaments for women, developed during the war, with several factory teams such as those representing female railway workers, ironfounders and area munitions works.1 There was a Manchester Ladies Football League which also played representative games and had sought affiliation to the FA. Women’s football was popular even though the footballing authorities were not supportive, and teams such

in The emergence of footballing cultures
Open Access (free)

interests and the international economic policies pursued by the president would only further enflame US–EEC economic competition. In 1971, the implementation of a 10 per cent surcharge on imports and the refusal to convert dollar-gold transactions demonstrated Nixon’s determination to safeguard US economic interests. Therefore, the expansion of the EEC was largely seen by the president as an economic competitor, rather than as a potential partner.9 For Nixon, however, the political, rather than economic, consequences of British EEC membership were more important. Here

in A strained partnership?
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Regional party strategies in Europe

competition at the regional level? And what are the limitations of Europe for regional party projects? These questions have become all the more pertinent in light of the de-centring of the nation-state, the rise of territorially based nationalist parties, and the growth and consolidation of regional political institutions in Western Europe (Marks et al. 2008). For a number of decades political scientists have been primarily interested in only one territorial unit: the modern nation-state (Wimmer and Glick Schiller 2002). Most party and electoral research since the 1950s has

in Using Europe
New Labour and public sector reform

chapter will concentrate) can be uncovered. This will be called ‘New Labour Managerialism’, a policy project with four interlinked constituent elements: tight performance management, choice, competition and diversity of supply. The chapter will proceed in the following way. First, it briefly outlines the traditional Labour approach to the public services, labelled the ‘professional model’ and the objections lodged against it by New Labour. Second, it explores the main contours of the Blair Government’s alternative model, ‘New Labour managerialism’. The third and longest

in In search of social democracy

empires often owed their preeminence to their ability to control the source and/or the trade in gold, ivory, slaves, and salt. Bloody wars of conquest were fought over natural resource control. The colonial period witnessed the expansion of this competition as European powers vied among themselves to gain control over African gold, diamonds, and ivory. And many of the continent’s most violent modern-day conflicts have been fueled directly or indirectly by the desire to reap the economic benefits of national resource exploitation. From Angolan and Nigerian oil to the

in African security in the twenty-first century

In this chapter, I move towards a new theory of the manner in which labour movements respond to European integration. I contend that, rather than being based on cooperation, the behaviour of labour tends to facilitate competition between national regimes. Owing to the nationally embedded nature of labour movements, which is itself in the interests of certain workers, bargaining processes tend to lead to an unplanned yet incremental drift towards zero-sum outcomes which benefit national workforces in stronger structural positions

in European labour movements in crisis