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reckless passion inspired not by love of country, but by Satan, who was a murderer from the beginning’.56 Logue reacted with equal revulsion to the shootings in Croke Park which he called an ‘indiscriminate massacre of inoffensive victims’. If a balance were struck on the day, however, between the deeds of the morning and the deeds of the afternoon, he believed it should be given against the forces of the Crown. ‘All Ireland’, he concluded, ‘was groaning under this competition of murders’.57 To his astonishment and horror, however, Logue found that his impassioned and

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925

that Cavalier had led a scandalous life and had betrayed the Camisards. Conversely, Cavalier declared Fage ‘a rogue’, and their mutual dislike triggered a prophetic competition over who was the legitimate heir of the Camisards.117 In this, ‘C[avalier] voulut faire voir que son Esprit êtoit plus habile que celui de F[age]’, with more acrobatic inspirations and violent convulsions that rapidly eclipsed his rival and attracted an increasing number of people.118 Fage nevertheless continued to prophesy, as they shared benefactors and connections. The Presbyterian minister

in Enlightening enthusiasm

this good Zeale with a most fervent love and affection’. This was a godly emotion described as ‘most pure and chast’; most importantly, it honoured God and His creation and was never in competition with the nuns’ entire dedication to Christ.15 As long as they remained within the boundaries of temperance and charity, worldly affections were not irreconcilable with the pursuit of divine love. Baker called such charitable links ‘divine charity’, which consisted in loving one another for God’s sake.16 Verses 20–21 of 1 John 4 clearly indicated that brotherly love partook

in English Benedictine nuns in exile in the seventeenth century

’ for women.37 The religious and cultural networks allowed life-cycle rituals (such as weddings and births) to be celebrated at home and in the neighbourhoods where the migrants settled. These rituals brought new members to the network, but also spawned competition among members of the community for prestige. An intriguing development was the construction of religious networks and institutions. According to one study, early Bangladeshi migrants experienced complete cessation of religious activities upon arrival in Britain and relied on their families at home who

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
The state as actor

and the International Bangladesh Foundation (London, 14 November 2006). See also John Eade and David Grabin ‘Changing ­narratives MUP_Riaz_IslamIdentity_Revised.indd 169 21/02/2013 16:30 170 islam and identity among british-bangladeshis of violence, struggle and resistance: Bangladeshis and the competition for resources in the global city’, Oxford Development Studies, 30:2 (2002), 140; Delwar Hussain, ‘Bangladeshis in East London: from secular politics to Islam’, Open Democracy (7 July 2006): cracy-protest/bangladeshi_3715.jsp

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis

Moulton (1992a) argues that the use of dichotomies is reflected in the method of philosophy itself, which she terms ‘adversarial’: in her view, this method does not yield the best results, and she presents an alternative model which explicitly relates ideas to the contexts in which they are developed. Her method challenges the idea that knowledge is neutral and unconnected to the context out of which it arises, and advocates cooperation instead of competition in the search for knowledge (see also Jantzen 1998b: 70–1). Lorraine Code (1991) and Sandra Harding (1991) have

in Forever fluid

films, differences must be taken at face-value; in writings the context-values that are embodied in the visible differences can be assessed’ (Hastrup 1992 : 21). Hastrup provides the example of a series of photographs she took of an exhibition of rams in Iceland. Even though the exhibition was open only to men, she managed to get access to what she soon realised was a competition of sexual potency focused on measuring the size and weight of the ram's testicles. Later, when she developed the photographs – ill-focused, badly lit, lopsided

in Descending with angels
Abstract only

capitalist system, but in many ways capitalisation is also found in Islamic practices of worship. Thus it was often emphasised to me how the only sphere of life where competition is relevant and worthwhile is religion: one should do everything in one's powers to maximise one's prospects for a good place in the afterlife. Thus it is said that a Friday prayer performed by a man in the mosque will be rewarded with twenty-seven times as many blessings ( ḥasanāt ) compared to if he had done the prayer at home. Furthermore, additional blessings are added if one has a long way to

in Descending with angels

scientific approach to knowledge (including scriptural claims); (2) a downplaying of supernatural faith; (3) a stress on human goodness and moral improvement through social action; and (4) optimism about building (at least partially) the Kingdom of Heaven on earth. 53 There was also a distinct and specifically Anglican religio-political ‘liberalism’ that idealised ‘organic national community’, opposed ‘economic competition and class conflict’, foresaw a ‘comprehensive church’ and ‘active state’, and emphasised education’s culturally integrative power. 54 This liberalism

in This is your hour
Freedom, democracy and liberalism

agreed, arguing people could be free because ‘God speaks to and through the individual, and for no other reason ’. 63 Without God’s ‘unconditional demand’, Oldham insisted, the political order would be shaped only by competition and ‘the reign of force’. 64 All liberties, he argued, were ‘grounded in the liberty to worship and obey God’; Dawson, similarly, thought ‘spiritual liberty’ was essential to its political form. 65 This relationship had, however, eroded. Europe’s crisis, Murry claimed, came from ‘a mutual outbidding of apostate Christian societies’ that

in This is your hour