An elusive ideal
Adrian O’Connor

attack upon equality, [and] who fight against meaningful reform.”75 But these condemnations reflected the fluctuations of political rhetoric as well as longstanding or committed anti-corporatism. There were exceptions even to such clear condemnations, as when Grégoire claimed – in the same speech – that the scientific academies had performed “services of singular importance to the nation” and so deserved an exemption from the impending suppression.76 While the proposed exemption was rejected by his colleagues, Grégoire was not alone in thinking that once the most

in In pursuit of politics
Denting the mould: 1979–83
Tudor Jones

ideological and policy debate that had developed in British politics, a debate in which leading Liberals, with a few exceptions such as Jo Grimond and John Pardoe, seemed unwilling to engage. For in the face of the entrenched state collectivism and corporatism of the 1970s, and in the light, too, of the revival of economic liberal ideas since 1975, how, as Wallace had asked, should British Liberals strike a new balance between the market and the State, clarifying ‘the boundaries of state control’ and ‘the necessary limits of individual enterprise’? Or in Bradley

in The uneven path of British Liberalism
Abstract only
The parliamentary Labour right and the ‘trade union question’
Stephen Meredith

leading to the inception of the social arrangement was initially sceptical of some aspects of its likely value. Particularly, he questioned the likely success of a ‘tripartite incomes policy’, feeling that it would be better to rely on ‘fiscal and monetary’ policy instruments. It was ‘an attempt to give political flesh and blood to the skeletal agreement between the party and the unions sketched out during the crisis over In Place of Strife in 1969. It was corporatism in its most undiluted form.’ It was in the context of the collapse of Heath’s industrial relations policy

in Labours old and new
Věra Stojarová

Yugoslavia in its name. Its platform was close to that of Italian Fascism and corporatism, with ideological roots in the French Action Française, an antiparliamentary monarchist movement. However, it rejected both Fascism and national socialism. Despite its 03_Vera_Ch-3.indd 23 1/16/2014 11:24:25 AM MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 01/16/2014, SPi 24 the far right in the balkans pan-Yugoslavian proclamations, it was based upon militant Serbian orthodoxy and Serbian peasant paternalism, and ZBOR advocated religiously (not racially) motivated adamant anti-Semitism. ZBOR

in The Far Right in the Balkans
Abstract only
Stephen Meredith

British decline generally, were defects of the very growth of corporatism that Labour had done so much to bring about and which led to a feeling of impotence and indifference in the electorate and its governing institutions. He suggested that traditional revisionist social democracy had contributed to the devaluation of parliamentary democracy in favour of corporate pressure groups such as the CBI and the TUC. Crosland’s libertarian rejection of nationalisation had not gone far enough. It had been unable to break sufficiently from the statist strategy of the corporate

in Labours old and new
Abstract only
Republican social democracy and Scottish nationalism
Ben Jackson

managerial or entrepreneurial class to control the firm. Both are hostile to the notion of power-sharing or division, so that federalism and consensus-building seem alien. Yet in Marquand’s view, for Britain to undergo a successful period of economic adjustment and reform – as opposed to the dysfunctional corporatism or Thatcherite shock therapy that had dominated British politics after 1945 – consensus-building and power-sharing was precisely the approach that would have to be taken (Marquand, 1988: 241–2). Indeed, Marquand further remarked that he thought the classical

in Making social democrats
Bryan Fanning

, Paradigms and Power, Dublin: Institute of Public Administration. Rhodes, Martin (1997) ‘Globalization, Labour Markets and Welfare States: A Future of “Competitive Corporatism”?’ EUO Working Papers, RSC 97/36, Florence: European University Institute. Rottman, David and O’Connell, Phillip (2003) ‘The Changing Social Structure’ in Fanning, Bryan and McNamara, Tony (eds), Ireland Develops: Administration and Social Policy 1953–2003, Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, pp. 36–59. Sen, Amartya (1993) ‘Capability and Well-­being’, in Nussbaum, Martha and Sen, Amartya

in From prosperity to austerity
Antigoni Memou

structural limitations to disrupt the ideological constraints imposed by the social democratic version of state corporatism in the period of the New Deal in the United States.10 Despite Sternfeld’s obvious and likely deliberate reference to this tradition, much of this criticism could not be applied to his project, which lacks the power relations ascribed to these early documentary projects. In fact, most of the subjects are not strongly differentiated from the photographer or their likely viewers. Sternfeld, as well as the potential viewers of these photographs, are

in Photography and social movements
The Women’s National Commission
Wendy Stokes

consensus between the parties was still in place and politicians responded to social change with a raft of liberal legislation: relaxing control on divorce, contraception, abortion, homosexuality and prostitution. This was also the period in which the UK attempted a corporatist approach to economic and industrial policy making. Corporatism was a short-lived experiment in the UK which was largely abandoned in the 1970s as the oil crises translated into economic instability and industrial unrest. However, while it was in place a number of institutions were created for

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Abstract only
Mark Garnett and Kevin Hickson

The Middle Way and told Lloyd that he would be ‘educating his party’, albeit somewhat belatedly. The NEDC was certainly disliked by the advocates of laissez faire, who thought that it savoured of ‘corporatism’. Similar bodies covering specific industries (‘Little Neddies’, as they were dubbed) were also established. Yet although Macmillan was briefly entranced by the possibility that ‘events’ might bring his old ideas into vogue, the new institutions never came close to realising the visions of The Middle Way. In 1965 Andrew Shonfield noted that the NEDC had been

in Conservative thinkers