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Death of a favorite

inédit d’Arnaud d’Andilly 1621 (Paris, 1891), p. 102; Louis Batiffol, Le Roi Louis XIII à vingt ans (Paris, 1910), pp. 564–5. 3 J.W. Schereschewsky, Scarlet Fever: Its Prevention and Control (Washington, D.C., 1915), pp. 3–9. 4 François Du Val, marquis de Fontenay-Mareuil, Mémoires du Messire Du Val, ed. Louis Monmerqué, 2 vols. (Paris, 1826), I, 525. 5 Claude Malingre, Histoire de la rebellion excitée en France par les rebelles de la religion prétendue réformée (Paris, 1626), p. 673; Journal d’Arnauld 1621, p. 104; Batiffol, Le Roi Louis XIII, pp. 564–73; Berthold

in Power and reputation at the court of Louis XIII
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Agricultural improvement and public opinion

reviewer’s scorn focused on a memoir appended to the essay recommending fiorin to Archduke John of Austria, ‘one of the most promising performances that ever issued from the press’. Recalling the Napoleonic wars, when France ruled Austria, the reviewer speculated whether fiorin might ‘become a dangerous instrument … if His Imperial Majesty should ever again become our enemy’. Richardson’s essay on a grass, which had aroused massive controversy, was unparalleled, ‘except in the annals of empiricism – or lunacy’.2 Accusations of insanity were not unknown for eighteenth

in Science, politics and society in early nineteenth-century Ireland
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to God).60 If we can judge from the Mémoires de l’Estat de France sous Charles IX, only a lieutenant of the marshalsy by the name of Taverny fought all day with his pistol and then his sword before dying; the remainder, caught unarmed in their own houses, were unable or unwilling to defend themselves.61 Thus, according to an estimate that remains hypothetical, did 3,000 people go to their death in Paris.62 On the forms of the violence itself, the diplomatic sources provide few useful indications, apart from the fact that the massacre spared neither women, children

in The Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacre

, who were great court nobles, and he probably would have lived out his days as a minor member of the king’s household if he had not attracted the attention of a lonely boy fascinated by falconry. The fatherless young king became fond of this kind supportive older man who shared his love of birds. Luynes’s caring concern for the king indicates the intelligence, patience, and empathy that made him a royal favorite, not the cowardice, ignorance, or baseness described by his enemies. Notes 1 Charles, comte Horric de Beaucaire, ed. Mémoires du Cardinal de Richelieu, 10

in Power and reputation at the court of Louis XIII
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between people’s experiences. The monstrousness of a collapse into sameness, where everyone would experience things and remember them in exactly the same way, was touched on in Marker’s Mémoires pour Simone . It is by acknowledging, rather than denying, these necessary distinctions and specificities that the drive towards connectedness is established. Fur and scales come to matter as much as human flesh in Marker’s various

in Chris Marker

(1619). Héroard, Journal, II, 2660–755. François Du Val, marquis de Fontenay-Mareuil, Mémoires du Messire Du Val, ed. Louis Monmerqué, 2 vols. (Paris, 1826), II, 461. B.N., imprimés, Lb 36, Seconde partie et responce à la Chronique des Favoris (1622), pp. 3–4; Duindam, Vienna andVersailles, pp. 234–5. Charles, comte Horric de Beaucaire, Mémoires du Cardinal de Richelieu, 10 vols. (Paris, 1907–13), I, 126; A. Lloyd Moote, Louis XIII (Berkeley, 1989), pp. 39–96; Elizabeth Marvick, Louis XIII (New Haven, 1986), pp. 120–200; Chevallier, Louis XIII, pp. 103–72; Michel

in Power and reputation at the court of Louis XIII

6 Richardson and provincial science W illiam Richardson’s 1808 Memoir on fiorin grass for the Belfast Literary Society was the spark which ignited an explosion of criticism from the town’s radical intellectuals. Like ‘lit and phils’ in other growing towns, the Belfast Literary Society had a broad intellectual remit and heard papers on scientific, historical, literary and religious topics. Richardson was a corresponding member and, as well as publishing with the Society, delivered a paper on agriculture as a science.1 This chapter examines Richardson’s role

in Science, politics and society in early nineteenth-century Ireland
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Doctors and medics in the Vietnam War

6 Crying silently : doctors and medics in the Vietnam War In his Second World War memoir, The Other Side of Time, American battalion surgeon Brendan Phibbs writes: ‘We were lucky in 1942. We didn’t have to shrink from pictures of screaming Vietnamese about to be raped and murdered by American soldiers at My Lai. There were no dead students scattered across the grass at Kent State. Where we stood in 1942 the air was charged, clean, dangerous, honest.’1 While our discussion of the Second World War, and Phibbs’s own book, shows that the air was not as ‘clean

in Working in a world of hurt

, reading the frontier into a variety of written texts concerned with St Vincent. First of these is the journal of the nineteenth-century diarist John Anderson, a stipendiary magistrate recruited to apply the law in the post-slavery apprenticeship period. Then I deal with two novels that offer sketches of St Vincent life: G. C. H. Thomas’s fictionalised memoir Ruler in Hiroona ( 1989 [1972]), and

in Frontiers of the Caribbean

his contribution to a stained-­glass window commemorating Martin at St Nicholas’s Church, Yarmouth, the Bishop of Norwich declared, ‘Could I canonize Sarah Martin, I would do so.’11 In 1852, a French memoir reckoned Fry would have been canonised had she belonged to the Catholic faith while Baron von Bunsen (1791–1860), the Prussian Ambassador to London, described her as ‘my favourite saint’.12 According to her biographer in the Eminent Women series (1884), to the prisoners whom she served, ‘the memory of Mrs Fry was something almost too holy for earth. No orthodoxly

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain