Doris Lessing’s late-twentieth-century fiction

analysing Lessing’s late-twentieth-century ‘fabular’ fictions in relation to ideas about genre and ‘race’, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s discussion of ‘minor’ literature proves instructive. Deleuze and Guattari define minor literature as exhibiting three main characteristics: ‘the deterritorialization of language, the connection of the individual to a political immediacy, and the collective assemblage of enunciation’. 2 Thus, minor literature has a partial relation to nationality both linguistically and, I will argue, generically. The ‘social milieu’ 3 is not

in Doris Lessing
Bussing, race and urban space, 1960s–80s

In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.

Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

Abstract only

The introduction sets out the aim of the book: to set the nursing in the five Crimean War armies into the wider context of the different countries’ military, cultural, political, and economic structures. It describes the imperialist causes of the Crimean War and the war aims of each country, as well as explaining why the book is limited to the Crimean campaign when the war was fought in so many other places. The introduction then indicates how these imperial aims did not have any impact on the nursing. It also explains that the book is organized by systems of nursing rather than by nationalities because the subject matter is transnational.

in Beyond Nightingale

In this chapter, the author aims to analyse the historiography of the British Empire from the mid-eighteenth century until 1830, looking at both the forming of a British nation and the impact of wider cultures on the mother country. There is an emphasis on the influence of the political landscape and how the 1801 Act of Union impacted on British perceptions of nationality. Particular emphasis is paid to how the term ‘Englishness’ becomes synonymous with British culture which leads to certain aspects of Scottish, Welsh, and Irish society being left out of the development of a ‘national identity’. The chapter also focuses on the aspects of imperialism that worked their way into British life, often subconsciously, such as the act of tea-drinking. However, historical writings from the time would usually concentrate on the ‘barbarism’ of other nations compared to that of ‘civilised’ Britain, rather than acknowledging any positive change that the empire had on Britain itself. Writers would use this and any colonial victories to assert Britain’s superiority as the biggest world power.

in Empire and history writing in Britain c.1750–2012

Although early accounts imply that African, American, and Asian indigenes recognised the skins of English men and women as ‘white’, historiography suggests that a monochromatic racial binary came into use only from about the mid-seventeenth century in the Anglo-Atlantic colonies. Resort to humoralism slowed acceptance of an abiding whiteness common to all English folk, even as the same paradigm variously coloured perceptions of foreigners. As a survey of travel literature shows, observers typically estimated people’s nationality as well as their social status. If, for much of our period, we cannot say that the process of discerning bodily difference was exclusively and definitively coloured, it was certainly and variously humoured, in a way that made such differences seem part of nature’s course. When meeting with darker skin-tones, the English were prone to think these indicative of humbler constitutions inherently suited to some degree of laboured subordination. English society learned to perceive fair skin as a signifier of elite identity before it identified itself as universally white. Slowly, however, ordinary people began thinking of themselves as ‘white’ too. Fair skin was recoded, helping to achieve a solidarity among Britons and with other Europeans.

in Bodies complexioned

One of the most notable aspects of later medieval immigration is the sheer range of different nationalities entering England, and the differing patterns of their distribution across the various parts of the country. The alien subsidy returns are by far our most abundant and significant source in this respect. As noted in chapter 3 , the assessors of these taxes were not actually required to provide a nationality label for the people enumerated, but merely to vouch that they were indeed aliens. The recording of nationality was therefore an ‘optional extra’ for

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
Abstract only
Heuristic of the Spanish philosophy of diversity management

new diversity-related challenges, because it left aspects linked to religion and linguistic and national pluralism unresolved. For instance, the Catholic Church has some degree of cultural hegemony in the education system and is lobbying against current political decisions related to ‘education for citizenship’, which recognize homosexual marriage, among other disputed issues (see chapter 2). There is still a reluctance to change the Spanish Constitution to allow access to voting rights to all permanent residents, without distinction by nationality, and difficulties

in Diversity management in Spain

own incumbent government. Paradoxically, by applying the logic of intergovernmentalism, such as a fair repre-sentation of different nationalities in international bureaucracies and an open-door policy for the member states to express their opinions, the international organisation can enhance its legitimacy and consequently its influence. By organising itself according to what it believes or anticipates to be in the interest of the different member states, even without outside pressure being put on it, the international bureaucracy can generate an image of serving

in Unpacking international organisations