Elizabeth Isham’s religion

, Elizabeth made her first bequest of money in her will, suggesting that she may have approved of Caroline conformity, if not Laudian divinity. Of course, at the heart of such divinity was its emphasis on the ‘beauty of holiness’ in which ritualized worship took precedence over preaching during church services. This ritualized worship greatly revolved around the communal administering of the sacraments, especially the Lord’s Supper. As Tyacke has written: ‘Building on the Prayer Book, English Arminians [i.e. Laudians] elaborated a scenic 194 Elizabeth Isham’s religion

in The gentlewoman’s remembrance
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Sacraments. The preface urges conformity in teaching, that in all matters concerning Catholic faith and Christian manners ‘ye be uniforme’, so that ‘ye concord ane with ane uthir in the forme of teeching the trew word of God’. It also warns that it is undoubtedly ‘an synfull and an damnabil thing to varie and discord’ in matters of faith. The faith to which all were supposed to conform was

in Death, life, and religious change in Scottish towns, c.1350–1560

: the preaching of the gospel and the administration of the sacraments, it began in the valley of the Six Mile Water in southern Antrim, the initial impetus coming from James Glendinning, a Scots minister delicately poised on the boundary between enthusiasm and madness (he was convinced that those who turned in their sleep could not be faithful Christians, and eventually left Ireland to visit the seven churches of Asia).94 Glendinning’s approach was that of an Old Testament preacher–‘having a great voice and vehement delivery, he roused up the people, and wakened them

in The Scots in early Stuart Ireland
The importance of the covenant in Scottish presbyterianism, 1560–c. 1700

established in Scotland in 1561 understood the sacrament as sealing ‘the league and covenant made betweene God and us, that he will be our God, and we his people’.9 Knox’s interpretation of who should be included among God’s people and thus eligible for baptism depended heavily on Calvin. In a letter from Calvin to Knox in 1559 he implored the Scots not to limit baptism only to the children of the godly. Knox had been hesitant to baptise children of the ungodly and excommunicates; however, Calvin advised him that the blessing of God’s covenant promises ‘is extended to a

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66

, using ‘the order of the Book of Common Prayers’. This clearly meant the English Prayer Books of Edward VI, but perhaps the conservative book of 1549 rather than its more radical 1552 replacement: certainly, the wording does not imply a precise attachment to any one text.36 Formalising de facto toleration, and a vernacular liturgy for the daily offices of matins and evensong (not for the sacraments): these were not unrealistic demands. The vernacular Bible was already legal. The vernacular catechism which was supposedly read from the pulpit every week included the

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation

they enticed the faithful away from the parishes, leaving the curés short of both income and pastoral work. The French church had become a centre for the debate when the Franciscans had begun to argue that the mendicant orders possessed greater mandates to preach and administer the sacraments than the parish clergy. In 1409, the Franciscan pope, Alexander V, even issued a bull (Regnans in excelsis), affirming that the regulars held privileges to perform these services.3 As the religious orders underwent their rapid revival during the Catholic Reformation, this old

in Fathers, pastors and kings

Commissary, and also an Inquisitor of heretical depravity, and was fierce in his intellect and strong in his body, when he saw these Propositions, he bore Luther’s outrageous audacity badly, and in order that equal might answer to equal he published 106 theses, in which he explained the contrary opinion. For example, Luther began as follows: ‘Our Lord and Teacher Jesus Christ, by saying “Make your repentance, etc.,” wished the whole life of a believer to be one of penance. That cannot be understood as concerning the penitential Sacrament of Confession and Reparation, which

in Luther’s lives

physical acts of dissenting worship. Public conscience and insignificant sacraments The Reformation freed Christian doctrine from the alien authority of the Roman pope, but it thereby risked subjecting doctrine to the regional authority of national institutions like the Church of England. In Marvell’s critique, Parker exploits the status of Anglicanism as the national church by defining as narrowly as possible the subject’s liberty of conscience from civil constraints. The spiritual supremacy of the church is ensured by the absolutist supremacy of the state. To this end

in Texts and readers in the Age of Marvell
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sixteenth-century Christians, but most of the beliefs and practices listed would have been familiar to early Protestants on the Continent. They included challenges to traditional Catholic ritual and practice, such as railing against the sacraments themselves or against the ceremonies, rites, and observances used in their administration and disparaging Church feasts and fasts; showing refusal to accept the

in Death, life, and religious change in Scottish towns, c.1350–1560
witchcraft on the borderline of religion and magic

kaluger curses this object, and it then has to be placed in the garden or around the threshold of the future victim, from where it can exert its evil effect. In a quite serious and mortal version of this, the curse is pronounced upon some earth taken from the graves of nine dead people. The devices of black magic, also used in individual maleficium , thus become a kind of negative version of the church sacraments: ‘religious

in Witchcraft Continued