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Counter-terrorism as insecurity
Emeka Thaddues Njoku
and
Scott N. Romaniuk

, CTMs became an instrument for illiberal political leaders to repress political opponents or human rights activists or groups critical to state policies. For instance, Aries A. Arugay explains how the Philippines prides itself on having vibrant CSOs, following its political trajectory characterized by intense political contestations and the defeat of dictatorship. However, the post-9/11 counter

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Of ‘savages’ and ‘terrorists’
Sean R. Roberts

colonization; it was inextricably linked with colonization itself. In the case of the Uyghur cultural genocide, ‘counterterrorism’ and ‘de-radicalization’ play very similar roles to that of the ‘civilizing mission’ that justified and propelled the cultural genocides perpetrated by European settler colonists in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The PRC has branded any indigenous resistance to the development and settlement of the XUAR as being not motivated by opposition to state policies, but by an irrational ideology that emerges from Islamic

in The Xinjiang emergency
Hungarian Jewry and the wartime Jewish refugee crisis in Austria- Hungary
Rebekah Klein-Pejšová

excessive influx could endanger providing for the inhabitants.21 Jewish refugee aid and conflict with Hungarian state policy Rabbi Wéber’s success on behalf of the refugees already provided for by his community in Pőstyén was exceptional. While other provincial Hungarian Jewish communities energetically intervened on behalf of the Galician Jewish refugees sojourning in their towns (namely Pozsony, Stomfa, Győr, Hajdúnanás, Vágujhely, Miskolc and Ónod), their requests to receive the same temporary Austrian aid available as in Budapest was rejected. Rabbi Snyders of Győr

in Europe on the move
Abstract only
Rhys Crilley

manifestations of this dangerous new nuclear moment that exist in the realm of ‘low politics’ such as popular culture and everyday experiences. Everyday life and popular culture matter in the Third Nuclear Age for several reasons. First, state policies are made intelligible and possible through broader cultural repertoires of meaning that circulate in everyday spaces such as popular culture. The actions of state leaders do not occur outside of this context; rather, these actions and policies are shaped by how those leaders apprehend the world and understand

in Unparalleled catastrophe
Conflict with minorities
Terry Narramore

unification. 10 Continual reliance upon coercion to ensure compliance with state policy is ‘not only an inefficient and expensive strategy, but probably ultimately a self-defeating one’. 11 State disintegration, violence and national unification The sovereign territories and peoples claimed by the PRC today are based upon the boundaries of the Qing

in Violence and the state
Madelaine Moore

for the way that crisis has manifested in Australia. Seen from the vantage point of the state, state policy was geared towards shoring up extractive industries during a time of global economic crisis. Yet the subsequent hardening of the state has both exacerbated the existing ecological crisis, in particular the water crisis through ineffective water policy, and excluded certain historically important interest groups. Institutional representatives of labour such as trade unions were pushed out of the state as membership

in Water struggles as resistance to neoliberal capitalism
Brazil’s ambiguous entrance into the Global War on Terror
Camila de Macedo Braga
and
Ana Maura Tomesani

,” particularly vulnerable to international terror. To approach these spaces, state policies combined with the discursive framework of the GWoT, in which public security issues were presented as emergent threats to the state and, therefore, to national security. Portrayed as matters of national defense, where the internal order was under threat, former public issues were incorporated to

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Abstract only
Naved Bakali
and
Farid Hafez

’ requiring military interventions. Through this framework, Muslims are reconstituted and framed as a threat in various localised state policies in different contexts beyond the global North. Therefore, deradicalisation policies which have targeted the Muslim subject become relevant in various contexts. For example, in Denmark, social daycare is used to assimilate Muslims in order to prevent ‘radicalisation’ (Salem 2018 ). Islamophobic counter-terrorism programmes also draw on social and health services to identify suspected ‘terrorists’ in various European states (Qurashi

in The rise of global Islamophobia in the War on Terror
Anne-Marie Fortier

). At a time of the rising popularity of right and extreme right nationalism, patriotism, protectionism and anti-globalism, governments are tightening their citizenship regimes. Developments in EU member state policies that limit intra-EU freedom of movement and settlement testify to a larger tendency to erode ‘denizenship’ in many countries within and beyond the EU (Hagelund and Reegård 2011 ). 3 State powers to denaturalise and/or deport citizens or to strip individuals of their citizenship are increasing and access

in Uncertain citizenship
Gerasimos Gerasimos

’ potential return as a shaping factor of state policy. As states develop new institutional mechanisms that target emigrant populations (Fitzgerald 2009 ; Naujoks 2013 ), they frequently build ties not solely with emigrants, but also with prospective emigrants (Rodriguez and Schwenken 2013 ) as well as with return migrants (Markowitz and Stefansson 2004 ; Tsuda 2009 ). This points to an important, albeit un-problematised, aspect of states’ policies towards its emigrants, namely the interconnectedness of emigration and return (Tsourapas 2015b ). ‘Return movements

in Migration diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa