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on Cromwell Road, the Victoria and Albert Museum, and to the very different female figure that greets visitors who seek secular rather than theological enlightenment. This slim, assured, and regal stone Queen Victoria is flanked by Saints George and Michael and positioned above her husband, son, and daughter-­in-­ The Virgin Mary 53 law, looking out confidently across the street. This statue, designed by the museum’s architect Aston Webb (1849–1930) and executed by Alfred Drury (1856–1944) in the early twentieth century, wears a crown and carries the symbols

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
witchcraft in the western Netherlands, 1850–1925

negative responses. For the town of Hoorn, for instance, the answer was simply: ‘People don’t believe in witches’, while reports from around 1860 nevertheless point to the contrary, and complaints about ‘superstitious’ ‘backwardness’ were still expressed in the early twentieth century. 16 Even affirmative answers may well have been distorted, for example when witchcraft was placed too far back into the past. The taboos surrounding witchcraft made it

in Witchcraft Continued
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Reformation: reformulation, reiteration and reflection

late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This should be a reminder to us that, as the preceding discussion demonstrates, it was not only great, if flawed, historians who made an impact upon the debate on the English Reformation, it was also journalists like Cobbett.6 In what other respects did these early nineteenth-century treatments of the Reformation help to shape the nature of the historical debate? Certainly, they focused future attention on the official nature of the Reformation, at the expense of the spiritual. Even ardent Protestants were converted to the

in The Debate on the English Reformation
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also offered a model of transgressive femininity, the legacy of which can be found in the mass struggles for the suffrage and a growing movement for sexual freedom in the early twentieth century. Freethinking feminists made an important contribution to the post-1850 women’s movement. The early feminist pioneers occupied the same intellectual and social milieu as the leaders of Freethought. And the predominantly Christian tone

in Infidel feminism

institutional affiliation to traditional Judaism of over 80% until the late twentieth century, an achievement unparalleled in modern Jewry.15 To be sure other factors were at play: as Endelman has written, ‘convenience, habit, family tradition and indifference’, as well as concerns over burial rights, were all important in preventing people who did not share the official philosophy of the United Synagogue from leaving it.16 Sacks has highlighted the role played by the inherent traditionalism of the British-influenced Anglo-Jews.17 Englander has pointed to the association of the

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970

Jewish faith’ and becoming respectable and loyal members of the society. Known at the start of the twentieth century as a ‘bastion’ of Orthodoxy, 5 very observant yet ‘narrow and unimaginative’, 6 the community drifted towards traditional middle-of-the-road Judaism, still Orthodox in its outlook, yet often pragmatic in its religious practice. As acculturation and economic integration progressed, the socio-economic ascent of Leeds Jews was mirrored in the changing geography of a community that was steadily moving northwards to suburbia and in the gradual dilution of

in Leeds and its Jewish Community
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institutes had become ‘little Romes’ with authority centralised under a superior general or abbess. 11 When these leaders of congregations and orders spoke, causa finita est ! For much of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, the Holy See with its centralising remit expected universality (the church of all peoples) to be maintained through uniformity. According to its way of thinking, the spirit of the world, modernity, led to worldliness and sorrow – and was to be dismissed or condemned. 12 From the 1940s, in a noticeable shift, the Holy See spoke with words

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age
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among the vulgar, not an emotional eccentricity of the cultivated, but is at once the condition and consequence of personal and intellectual development, when it is complete’.15 Figgis greatly admired William Warburton, but he did not think much of eighteenth-century polemical divinity. When fretting about the ‘intellectual crisis’ facing the early twentieth-century Church of England, for instance, Figgis advocated that ‘Religion must be presented so as to be interesting. Much of the evil lies in a survival of the eighteenthcentury spirit’.16 That spirit, he reckoned

in Reformation without end

beliefs to ‘superstition’ among the educated elite and the clergy, vernacular religion and folk belief were far from dead in Italy. Legend complexes about witches and related beings flourished well into the twentieth century, and folk healers continue to practise their craft in both urban and rural areas. In this chapter, I will give a general overview of vernacular magical beliefs and practices in Italy from the time of

in Witchcraft Continued

7 Erdmann, Runciman and the end of tradition? The two most influential books on the crusades written in the twentieth century could hardly have been more different, the one academic, conceptually seminal, the preserve of scholars; the other literary, conceptually nugatory and a world bestseller. The writer of the first died obscurely and young, in the unwelcome military service of a despotic, disapproving regime he despised; the writer of the second lived to be ninety-seven, bathed in golden opinions and laden with public honours, a multi-millionaire. Separated

in The Debate on the Crusades