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A relational approach
Julia Gallagher and V. Y. Mudimbe

world’ (Ibid: 12). Mengara argues for a rebalancing of image by assigning it a different ownership through which it will achieve authenticity. In doing so, he implicitly buys into a rational, prescriptive conception of image: it is still defined by who owns it. Africans, instead of outsiders, get to draw the map and make up the rules of how it should be navigated. This approach to image underwrites much conventional thinking in IR and foreign policy analysis, and has been described by Robert Jervis in his seminal book, The Logic of Images in

in Images of Africa
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; military coups, human rights abuses, state corruption on a massive scale; deepening poverty in much of the continent – none of these gave rise to a particular feeling that the British state should make sorting out Africa its particular business. The Rwandan genocide in 1994, and the relative lack of Western intervention, drew horrified responses and provoked questions as to the role of Britain in helping to prevent such atrocities (Melvern and Williams, 2004) – something which later fed into New Labour thinking on foreign policy. There had always been variations in

in Britain and Africa under Blair

dampen as time has gone by. Campaigns will be covered in more detail in later chapters, but perhaps a taster of the interconnections between Africa campaigns and Christian liberalism can be offered here. In regards to the anti-apartheid Movement, one of the key pillars of the coalition was the Church of England: Fr. Trevor Huddlestone was perhaps the best-known and respected moral authority in the UK on the abhorrence of apartheid. Jubilee 2000 was strongly based in local churches, and the notion of a jubilee derived from the Old Testament: Martin Dent (one of the

in The African presence

Britain would henceforth seek to coordinate policies in Africa. In the aftermath of Operation UNOKAT the UN representative in Léopoldville, Robert Gardiner, had urged the Congolese Central Government to play ‘practical politics’ and not jeopardise the UN mission by a fallout with Britain:  ‘because of the special relationship between the UK and the US, any incident with UK would necessarily effect relationship with US whose assistance was essential to UN operation’.134 However, the perception of the ‘special’ nature of the relationship was increasingly unrepresentative

in The diplomacy of decolonisation

protection in the good hands of the (British) Commonwealth and the UN’. 253 ‘The declared policies of African politicians’ were that ‘East Africa would wish to remain neutral’ in any potential war. 254 Yet, ‘a clause in the Hague Convention requires that a neutral country must control its ports if it is to remain neutral’ by possessing ‘patrol vessels capable of stopping

in Colonial naval culture and British imperialism, 1922–67

societies, struggled in this new environment. Its officials sought inspiration in the achievements of their ‘notable predecessors’ of the nineteenth century. 40 That was of little help: but British imperial policy seemed to offer reassurance. Government in London had replaced the rhetoric of ‘trusteeship’ with that of ‘partnership’, between black and white in Africa. It supposedly

in Sites of imperial memory

Office on Drugs and Crime, Transnational Organized Crime in East Africa, p. 24. 32 L. Wyler and N. Cook, Illegal Drug Trade in Africa: Trends and U.S. Policy  (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, September 30, 2009), p. 2. 33 UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2013, p. 56. 34 UN Office on Drugs and Crime, West Africa: 2012 ATS Situation Report (New York: United Nations Publication, June 2012), pp. 22−4. 35 Wyler and Cook, Illegal Drug Trade in Africa, p. 2; UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2013, p. 23. 36 UN Office on Drugs

in African security in the twenty-first century
The state as actor

of the British state as regards the immigrant community and the state’s approaches towards engaging with minority communities. The policies, their successes and failures, have changed the social landscape of Britain and the role of migrant communities, including the British-Bangladeshis. It is my contention that recent policy initiatives to emphasize faith as a marker of community and the defining feature of identity have facilitated the rise of Islamists within the Bangladeshi community. The familiar history of race relations in the UK takes 1948, particularly the

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
From model to symbol?

policy has been built over time. Until the 1990s, the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states unequivocally were Europe’s most preferred developing country partners, and ACP–EU relations were the most visible and important component of the EU development cooperation programme. ACP–EU relations started at the very creation of the European Economic Community in 1957 and were elaborated first in the Yaoundé and then in the Lomé Conventions and the 2000 Cotonou Agreement. In many peoples’ eyes the Lomé Convention came to symbolise EU development cooperation, more so

in EU development cooperation

, G. (2018) ‘UK development policy and domestic politics 1997–2016’, Third World Quarterly , 39:1, 18–34. Commission for Africa (2005) Our Common Interest (London: Commission for Africa). Cox, B. (2011) Campaigning for International Justice: Learning Lessons (1991–2011) Where Next? (2011–2015) (Seattle, WA: Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation). Crompton T. (2010) Common Cause: The Case for Working with our Cultural Values (Edinburgh: World Wildlife Fund

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century