world’ (Ibid: 12).
Mengara argues for a rebalancing of image by assigning it a different ownership through which it will achieve authenticity. In doing so, he implicitly buys into a rational, prescriptive conception of image: it is still defined by who owns it. Africans, instead of outsiders, get to draw the map and make up the rules of how it should be navigated. This approach to image underwrites much conventional thinking in IR and foreign policy analysis, and has been described by Robert Jervis in his seminal book, The Logic of Images in
; military coups, human rights abuses, state corruption on a massive
scale; deepening poverty in much of the continent – none of these gave rise
to a particular feeling that the British state should make sorting out Africa
its particular business. The Rwandan genocide in 1994, and the relative lack
of Western intervention, drew horrified responses and provoked questions
as to the role of Britain in helping to prevent such atrocities (Melvern and
Williams, 2004) – something which later fed into New Labour thinking
on foreign policy. There had always been variations in
dampen as time has gone by. Campaigns
will be covered in more detail in later chapters, but perhaps a taster of the
interconnections between Africa campaigns and Christian liberalism can be
offered here. In regards to the anti-apartheid Movement, one of the key pillars of the coalition was the Church of England: Fr. Trevor Huddlestone was
perhaps the best-known and respected moral authority in the UK on the abhorrence of apartheid. Jubilee 2000 was strongly based in local churches, and
the notion of a jubilee derived from the Old Testament: Martin Dent (one of
Britain would henceforth seek to coordinate policies in Africa.
In the aftermath of Operation UNOKAT the UN representative in Léopoldville,
Robert Gardiner, had urged the Congolese Central Government to play ‘practical
politics’ and not jeopardise the UN mission by a fallout with Britain: ‘because of
the special relationship between the UK and the US, any incident with UK would
necessarily effect relationship with US whose assistance was essential to UN
operation’.134 However, the perception of the ‘special’ nature of the relationship
was increasingly unrepresentative
protection in the good hands of the (British) Commonwealth and the
UN’. 253 ‘The declared policies of African
politicians’ were that ‘East Africa would wish to remain
neutral’ in any potential war. 254 Yet, ‘a clause in the
Hague Convention requires that a neutral country must control its
ports if it is to remain neutral’ by possessing ‘patrol
vessels capable of stopping
societies, struggled in this new environment. Its
officials sought inspiration in the achievements of their
‘notable predecessors’ of the nineteenth century. 40 That was of
little help: but British imperial policy seemed to offer
reassurance. Government in London had replaced the rhetoric of
‘trusteeship’ with that of ‘partnership’,
between black and white in Africa. It supposedly
Office on Drugs and Crime, Transnational Organized
Crime in East Africa, p. 24.
32 L. Wyler and N. Cook, Illegal Drug Trade in Africa: Trends and U.S.
Policy (Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, September 30,
2009), p. 2.
33 UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2013, p. 56.
34 UN Office on Drugs and Crime, West Africa: 2012 ATS Situation Report
(New York: United Nations Publication, June 2012), pp. 22−4.
35 Wyler and Cook, Illegal Drug Trade in Africa, p. 2; UN Office on Drugs and
Crime, World Drug Report 2013, p. 23.
36 UN Office on Drugs
of the British state as regards
the immigrant community and the state’s approaches towards engaging
with minority communities. The policies, their successes and failures,
have changed the social landscape of Britain and the role of migrant
communities, including the British-Bangladeshis. It is my contention
that recent policy initiatives to emphasize faith as a marker of community and the defining feature of identity have facilitated the rise of Islamists within the Bangladeshi community.
The familiar history of race relations in the UK takes 1948, particularly the
been built over time. Until the 1990s, the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP)
states unequivocally were Europe’s most preferred developing country partners, and ACP–EU relations were the most visible and important component
of the EU development cooperation programme. ACP–EU relations started at
the very creation of the European Economic Community in 1957 and were
elaborated first in the Yaoundé and then in the Lomé Conventions and the
2000 Cotonou Agreement. In many peoples’ eyes the Lomé Convention came
to symbolise EU development cooperation, more so
, G. (2018) ‘UK development policy and domestic politics 1997–2016’, Third World Quarterly , 39:1, 18–34.
Commission for Africa (2005) Our Common Interest (London: Commission for Africa).
Cox, B. (2011) Campaigning for International Justice: Learning Lessons (1991–2011) Where Next? (2011–2015) (Seattle, WA: Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation).
Crompton T. (2010) Common Cause: The Case for Working with our Cultural Values (Edinburgh: World Wildlife Fund