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‘Ever present to the progressive mind’
Malcolm Chase

... the a r istocr acy of l a bou r m ust be brok en dow n, the same as an[y] other aristocracies.40 Chartist leaders had frequently resented trade union separatism; but as recently as 1851, when Harney, Holyoake, O’Connor and Reynolds remained on the NCA executive, criticism was tempered. ‘There must not be two parties in our ranks – the one struggling for social rights, the other for political power – we must ALL contend for BOTH’, they argued in An Appeal for Joint Action of All Sections of the Working Class.41 Trade unionism, however, was about the politics of the

in Chartism
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Responses to clerical support for republicanism
Brian Heffernan

with the task of moving Father O’Grady off the bridge before it was destroyed.36 This amusing incident reflected underlying tensions that also came to light around the same time in Gorey, County Wexford, where the Benedictine priest Dom Francis Sweetman ran into difficulty with the local clergy over his political activities. His superiors had already asked him to step down as president of the North Wexford Sinn Féin constituency executive in March 1919.37 But in February 1921, Sweetman still controlled much of the party in Gorey, and Bishop Codd of Ferns complained

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
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Policing the end of empire
David Killingray and David M. Anderson

and military had presen ted its problems in Ireland, and some of the same difficulties arose elsewhere. Whilst Emergency Powers gave the police greater freedom of action, any such measures inevitably meant that policing operations were being conducted in a hostile and therefore more difficult environment. Although Commissioners of Police enjoyed a higher political profile in these circumstances, their executive

in Policing and decolonisation
Women in the higher grades of the LCC and the Civil Service in the first half of the twentieth century
Helen Glew

, the Staff Association took some interest in campaigning for women’s advancement higher into the service, although this was less vocal and tended to react to changes or debates in the Civil Service. The attempt to extend opportunities to women in the higher grades – that is the executive and administrative grades of the Civil Service and the major establishment of the LCC – would in more recent decades have been framed as an “equal opportunities” quest. The issue was inextricably linked to aggregation and creating the interchangeability of posts for two reasons

in Gender, rhetoric and regulation
Open Access (free)
Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

the century also shows that many of its supposedly absolutist members could strategically shift between the absolutist ‘peace at any 9 ‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ price’ argument and the non-absolutist point of view. There was less tolerance, however, of feminist politics: the Peace Society’s women’s auxiliary was founded in 1874 and its activities were subjected to strict control in an attempt by the Peace Society’s Executive Committee to distance it from any connection with the feminist movement. A number of radical peace movements were formed in

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Matt Perry

Thibaud. Marty subjected the new secretary Maurice Foucault to similar scrutiny. Overlooking his resistance record, Marty observed that the photoengraver was unknown until 1946 when he joined both the party and the Association of Veterans of 152 mutinous memories the 58th Infantry, which mutinied at Tiraspol, for which he was not even court-martialled. Marty may have borrowed the tactics of smear being used against him but the political standing of the new executive could not match those of Tillon, Marty and Vuillemin, whom they replaced. Within the Association, the

in Mutinous memories
Finding a sustainable future in the neo-liberal university
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

188 10 ‘In the climate of continuing financial restraint’: Finding a sustainable future in the neo-​liberal university The election of Ronald Reagan as US president in 1980 heralded the arrival of a new era for the Fulbright Program. Policies profoundly opposed to government intervention were to transform the relationship of public institutions and programs to their sources  of funding and the political support of their programs.1 Free market economics promising increased wealth brought major cutbacks in government spending across the board. Public

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
Liberal women and regional perspectives
Megan Smitley

describing women’s status under the law. In 1900, the SWLF Executive distributed 3,000 copies of ‘Women’s Franchise and Local Government (Scotland)’ and 5,000 copies of ‘School Board Elections’ to the local WLAs for dissemination in the regions.43 Similarly, following the passage of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1894 the SWLF published a supplementary leaflet on the new position of women in local politics to complement the pamphlet produced by the (men’s) Scottish Liberal Association.44 In this way evidence from the   119   Smitley_01_All.indd 119 12/07/2009 15

in The feminine public sphere
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Levellers and historians
Rachel Foxley

century can parallel’; for Zagorin, the Levellers ‘at the very birth of political democracy stated its full theoretical implications’; for Robertson, the Levellers were ‘the first democratic party in the modern world’.5 Many more recent authors distinguish themselves from this tradition of appropriation only by apologizing for the fact that they too use these terms.6 One strand within the twentieth-century recovery of the Leveller movement, and of civil war radicalism more generally, was the work of Marxist historians, at its most influential in Christopher Hill’s The

in The Levellers
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A new pedagogy for a new politics
Adrian O’Connor

3 Public instruction: a new pedagogy for a new politics For a young people to be able to relish sound principles of political theory and follow the fundamental rules of statecraft, the effect would have to become the cause; the social spirit, which should be created by … institutions, would have to preside over their very foundation; and men would have to be before law what they should become by means of law. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract1 Before it was overthrown, the French monarchy collapsed. Bankrupt, the government of Louis XVI was forced to

in In pursuit of politics