Abstract only
Guillaume Dustan and Erik Rémès

authors, the chapter will begin by setting the general context against which their work needs to be interpreted: first, recent French legislation with specific relevance to same-sex relationships; second, the monotonous homophobia and apparent exhaustion of much of the more mainstream material considered elsewhere in this study. Their work will then be addressed more closely, with analysis first of the existential issues they

in The new pornographies
Identity, performance and the Left 1972–79

, Militant’s performed working-class masculinity became publicly recognisable (see Chapter 5). The working-class drag was based on rigid models of masculinity. The WRP and Militant shared the belief that the gay and women’s liberation movements were bourgeois products of capitalism, rather than sexism and homophobia. The WRP and Militant continued to issue statements testifying that ‘homosexuality would disappear under socialism’. Again, the struggle for gay rights, was not merely a practical distraction from class based analysis, it was a class product, a ‘petty bourgeois

in Gay men and the Left in post-war Britain
The Bermondsey by-election, Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners and AIDS activism

to be, at the heart of a reformulation of the Left of the Labour Party. The ongoing pathology of homosexuality as politically dangerous, that Dollimore outlines elsewhere, was at the heart of the Labour Left’s attacks on Tatchell. I would argue that as well as an example of political ‘homophobia’ Bermondsey represented attacks on two particular sections of the Labour Party: middle-class ‘trendy lefties’ and the Trotskyite entryists Militant. Tatchell was constructed as a bridge between these two camps based on a homosexual type that has a long history exemplified by

in Gay men and the Left in post-war Britain
Pat Barker, David Peace and the regional novel after empire

hatred (xenophobia, homophobia, misogyny) than about the wider practices of politics, understood more generally, and this is the rule rather than the exception in Peace’s Yorkshire. The unrelenting bleakness of these narratives derives, as it does in Barker’s Union Street, from the inseparability of the locals’ recognition from their misrecognition. Yorkshire (like Union Street) is an occupied landscape, but it is not the wogs, niggers, Pakis, puffters, Paddies and gypos who have ‘taken over’, or illegitimately claimed the place for themselves. On the contrary, it is

in End of empire and the English novel since 1945
Abstract only

-​class female can be easily understood and empathised with. Her struggle to get on in a male-​dominated environment and her capacity to pass examinations are inspirational to students of crime. However, Wilson is certain it is not to new Clarice Starlings that we should look to reduce the incidence of serial killing, but rather to other, more social, factors such as the need to address homophobia, the regulation of sex work and the treatment of, often isolated, elderly citizens. In her chapter, ‘Writing to Casey Anthony: imagined relationships, personal identification and

in Law in popular belief

rights, for example in relation to same-sex marriage, has become a mainstream political issue in Ireland, these rights have not come to be juxtaposed with anti-Islamism as in the Netherlands. As put by Mepschen et al., gay rights there have been recast as ‘an optic, and an operative technology in the disciplining of Muslims’. In their analysis ‘cases of homophobia amongst Muslim citizens are highlighted, epitomized as archetypical, and cast within Orientalist narratives that underwrite the superiority of European secular modernity’ (2010: 923). Travellers in the Irish

in Tolerance and diversity in Ireland, North and South

sex education. According to Watney the absence of positive pro-sex condom representations increases the transmission of HIV and also AIDS-related homophobia. ‘Whilst individuals are vulnerable to HIV infection, the entire reproductive machinery of gay subjectivity is also vulnerable to the ideological fall-out of the representational crisis triggered by the virus’ (Watney, 1989: 18). Radical feminist theories on pornography, particularly those in favour of its regulation and censorship, are seen as contributing to this desexualisation of gay culture and threatening

in Object matters

becomes the victim of a homophobic attack, is avenged by the Green Lantern. As they shared ideas about the character and the plot, readers of the Green Lantern displayed ‘competing ideological positions’ (Palmer-Mehta and Hay 2005: 395). One reader’s story sparked a dialogue about homophobia and social values: I’m also a 25 year old gay man. I came out at 16 and was subjected to some of the brutality young queers face in America. I was harassed, though thankfully never physically attacked, through high school. During that time, I longed for positive queer characters to

in From entertainment to citizenship
Abstract only

appropriating their pain and the injustice they face. In order to deploy this argument, the book is divided into five chapters. 13 MUP_Raboin_LGBTAsylum_Revision2.indd 13 17/10/2016 12:24 discourses on lgbt asylum in the uk Chapter 1 concentrates on the way LGBT asylum is narrated in public arenas, and examines the regimes of justification that form the basis for the way asylum is discussed, framed and understood as a social problem in public arenas. This chapter unpacks the way narratives produce a certain temporality for LGBT asylum which articulates past homophobia in

in Discourses on LGBT asylum in the UK
Open Access (free)
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

anti-Muslim or Islamophobic allows its differentiating features – the absence of anti-Semitism and homophobia – to be interpreted as strategically deployed rather than genuinely held principles, on the basis that ‘enemies’ of Islam (Jews and sexual minorities) are ‘our’ allies. Bartlett, Birdwell and Littler (2011: 29) conclude, rather differently, that the EDL is a ‘populist street movement’. In place of an adjectival qualifier characterising the political or ideological nature of the movement, Bartlett, Birdwell and Littler simply note the gap between the EDL’s own

in Loud and proud