Changing images of the New Zealand Maori in the nineteenth century

Throughout the nineteeenth century, virtually all British commentators agreed as to the inherent biological and cultural inferiority of non-European peoples. 1 There was however a considerable diversity of opinion as to the precise nature and degree of that inferiority and the extent to which it could be remedied. As we shall see these were matters of considerable political as well as academic

in Imperial medicine and indigenous societies
‘Victim’ nations and the brotherhood of humanity

. It is with the elaboration of impending crisis in the Balkans – and the politics of humanity and relief in Britain – that this chapter is concerned. In 1876–78 the fate of communities affected by separatist violence in the Ottoman Empire would see sympathy and material support for ‘oppressed’ Christians become, for some, a moral imperative. Others felt the need to stabilise and

in Calculating compassion
Paul Greenhalgh

are a testament to the power they were seen to hold for those involved in their organization. They were a principal means whereby government and private bodies presented their vision of the world to the masses; because of this, the funding behind them invariably involved political machination of one kind or another. Those who paid for the exhibitions normally had motives which went undiscussed in the official

in Ephemeral vistas

2 Politics matrimonial and international I n order to consolidate the fragile peace obtained thanks to the Edict of Saint-Germain, other means besides repression or pious exhortation were available to the monarchy. The first was the traditional one of marriages, as no treaty was conceivable at that time without one or more such unions, which were held to translate and guarantee the newly found concord. Luckily, princes of a marrying age were numerous: the young Protestant leaders, Henri de Navarre and Henri de Condé, the King himself and his brothers Henri d

in The Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacre
James I’s Daemonologie and The Wonderfull Discoverie of Witches

opened each Assize with the ‘charge’, augmented with their own opinions. In Cockburn’s view, Jacobean charges ‘often degenerated into a vehicle for prejudice and intimidation’, and exposed political tensions between court and country. 8 As sophisticated London courtiers, Altham and Bromley would have shared the common metropolitan view of north Lancashire as a region mired in stubborn popery, attempted witchery, superstitious credulity and other heterodoxies. Since James now insisted upon religious conformity, their Lancaster charge could safely have included some

in The Lancashire witches
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Politics: a revolutionary idea and a practical problem

Introduction Politics: a revolutionary idea and a practical problem Quel serait le meilleur plan d’éducation pour le peuple? Académie des Sciences, Arts et BellesLettres de Châlons-sur-Marne, 17771 When the Académie des Sciences, Arts et Belles-Lettres in Châlons-surMarne announced the topic for its 1779 essay contest – the seemingly straightforward “What is the best plan of education for the people?” – it raised issues that extended well beyond matters of curriculum, institutional organization, and pedagogy. After all, which people? And by whom should they be

in In pursuit of politics
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A new pedagogy for a new politics

3 Public instruction: a new pedagogy for a new politics For a young people to be able to relish sound principles of political theory and follow the fundamental rules of statecraft, the effect would have to become the cause; the social spirit, which should be created by … institutions, would have to preside over their very foundation; and men would have to be before law what they should become by means of law. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract1 Before it was overthrown, the French monarchy collapsed. Bankrupt, the government of Louis XVI was forced to

in In pursuit of politics
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Politics: real, pursued, and promised

Conclusion Politics: real, pursued, and promised In October 1794, when the academic year would normally have been starting up again, the schools of the French Republic lacked instructors, students, and funds, not to mention a clearly defined role in French society and a sense of pedagogical or political purpose. Political authorities were unwilling or unable to settle on a coherent plan to reform or replace the existing institutions. The prospect that those authorities would seek to establish a uniform system of national education both hung over and motivated

in In pursuit of politics

Exhumation may be defined as the legally sanctioned excavation and recovery of the remains of lawfully buried or – occasionally – cremated individuals, as distinct from forensic excavations of clandestinely buried remains conducted as part of a criminal investigation and from unlawful disinterment of human remains, commonly referred to as bodysnatching. The aim of this article is to review the role of exhumation – so defined – in the activities of CEMEL, the Medico-Legal Centre of the Ribeirão Preto Medical School-University of São Paulo, in international, regional and local collaborations. Exhumations form part of routine forensic anthropology casework; scientific research in physical and forensic anthropology; and forensic casework conducted in collaboration with the Brazilian Federal Police; and are carried out as part of humanitarian investigations into deaths associated with the civil–military dictatorship of 1964 to 1985. This article aims to offer a non-technical summary – with reference to international comparative information – of the role of exhumation in investigative and scientific work and to discuss developments in their historical and political context.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
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Fields of understanding and political action

I began with some questions and suggestions. Interpreting interventions by Josephine Butler and Alfred Dyer, I suggested the promise of geographical imagination to develop new fields of understanding and political action. This pointed towards the need to cultivate a form of what Frederic Jameson once called ‘cognitive mapping’ – finding ways to represent sites of political action, positioning them with ‘a new sense of the absent global colonial system’. 1 I explained that Jameson’s suggestive, somewhat

in Sex, politics and empire