Increasingly robust mandates and deployment to high-risk environments are ever more pressing concerns in discussions about the future of UN peacekeeping. They illustrate the conflicts of interest among UN members and within the UN bureaucracy. Likewise, allegations of abuse and human rights violations by UN blue helmets have in recent years led to a debate about the UN's efforts to monitor troops in the field and hold them accountable. Ultimately, most of these discussions can be classified into two more generic categories: the politics of
The changing view of Germany in Anglo-American geopolitics
On 30 April 1945, American troops entered Munich. Amongst other things, Munich was known to British and American political geographers and strategic studies experts as the home of the Institut für Geopolitik . The Institut was the publisher of the Zeitschrift für Geopolitik that was edited by a professor at the University named Karl Haushofer. For the last four years of the war, Haushofer had come to be seen as the éminence grise of the Nazi regime. He even made it into popular culture. The Oscar-nominated American film Plan for Destruction (1943
within Palestinian society
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at the community level. Thus, a systematic collection of data on Palestinian
villages began as early as the 1930s, and by the end of the same decade, an
archive was completed. It included ‘[p]recise details ... about the topographic
location of each village, its access roads, quality of land, water springs, main
sources of income, its socio-political composition, religious affiliations,
names of its mukhtars (local leaders
Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher and Stephen R. Hurt
refused to sign the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the EU and the East African Community, with officials citing Brexit as one of the key reasons (Hurt, 2016 ).
At the same time, and as Part II of this volume demonstrates, a range of UK actors – both inside and outside government – continue to portray and frame Africa in terms of development. Both Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 show how the two leading political Parties in the UK – the Conservative and Labour Parties – continue to privilege Africa in the way they frame their thinking
in the region. 3 Hallstein himself was initially sceptical about the existence of a nexus between West German–Israeli relations and the global isolation campaign against East Berlin. So too was Wilhelm Grewe, the prime mover behind Bonn’s foreign political doctrine. The insistence of diplomats stationed from Cairo to Islamabad, however, convinced them both that such a nexus existed. And the Chancellor, too, came to appreciate the risks that exchanging ambassadors with Israel might involve for Bonn’s Cold War against the GDR. In 1958, Khrushchev’s Berlin ultimatum
which have influenced how policymakers have treated the topic. Most notable is that throughout the UK’s history of engagement with peacekeeping on the African continent, there has been varying degrees of scepticism as to the motivations, politics and practicalities of UN missions. The second main trend is that the UK’s interactions that effect African-based peacekeeping operations have generally been undertaken on a political level, be it in the chamber of the UN Security Council (UNSC), through the UN secretariat, or through financial and bilateral contributions
UK Africa policy in the twenty-first century: business as usual?
Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher and Stephen R. Hurt
, complex and contradictory history, which encompasses social, cultural, economic, political and linguistic linkages. These comprise not only relationships between governments and leaders but also between political parties, advocacy coalitions, civil society organisations and populations themselves. ‘Africa’ – whether as a romanticised site of exoticism and adventure, a brutal, and brutalising, ‘heart of darkness’ (Conrad, 1899; 2007 ), or a place of moral imperatives and charitable impulses – has long existed as an idea in the minds of the British people and their
international order in Europe and the US. The catastrophic consequences of Nazism, the Second World War and the Holocaust led to a fundamental recasting of Germany’s identity in the world. (West) Germany adopted a different approach to foreign policy, underpinned by democratic values as well as new foreign policy practices, such as multilateralism, European integration and military restraint. The resulting strategic culture of the country’s foreign policy role is built around three central tenets: ‘never again’, ‘never alone’ and ‘politics before force’. 2 According to this
International Relations theory and the study of UN peace operations
and perspectives to bear on the subject, even though, as Oksamytna and Karlsrud perceptively note, their ‘application has often been implicit rather than explicit’. In terms of understanding the evolution and functions of UN peacekeeping, and its place in international politics and international society, the writings of Inis L. Claude Jr, Adam Roberts, and Alan James, to mention three of the most important IR scholars who have taken a sustained interest in the subject, remain indispensable (Claude Jr 1961 ; James 1990 ; Roberts 1994 ). Critically, their work is
and mirroring in particular can also have their challenges or limits, which we also explore.
This chapter makes a few key points: (a) nonviolent engagement with, and expression of, emotions are vital to peacebuilding; (b) empathy can play an important role in emotional peacebuilding; and finally, (c) dance and creative movement activities, such as the use of mirroring, when done reflectively, can be valuable practices for developing empathy and supporting peacebuilding.
Emotions, dance and the politics of building peace