which have influenced how policymakers have treated the topic. Most notable is that throughout the UK’s history of engagement with peacekeeping on the African continent, there has been varying degrees of scepticism as to the motivations, politics and practicalities of UN missions. The second main trend is that the UK’s interactions that effect African-based peacekeeping operations have generally been undertaken on a political level, be it in the chamber of the UN Security Council (UNSC), through the UN secretariat, or through financial and bilateral contributions
UK Africa policy in the twenty-first century: business as usual?
Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher and Stephen R. Hurt
, complex and contradictory history, which encompasses social, cultural, economic, political and linguistic linkages. These comprise not only relationships between governments and leaders but also between political parties, advocacy coalitions, civil society organisations and populations themselves. ‘Africa’ – whether as a romanticised site of exoticism and adventure, a brutal, and brutalising, ‘heart of darkness’ (Conrad, 1899; 2007 ), or a place of moral imperatives and charitable impulses – has long existed as an idea in the minds of the British people and their
international order in Europe and the US. The catastrophic consequences of Nazism, the Second World War and the Holocaust led to a fundamental recasting of Germany’s identity in the world. (West) Germany adopted a different approach to foreign policy, underpinned by democratic values as well as new foreign policy practices, such as multilateralism, European integration and military restraint. The resulting strategic culture of the country’s foreign policy role is built around three central tenets: ‘never again’, ‘never alone’ and ‘politics before force’. 2 According to this
and mirroring in particular can also have their challenges or limits, which we also explore.
This chapter makes a few key points: (a) nonviolent engagement with, and expression of, emotions are vital to peacebuilding; (b) empathy can play an important role in emotional peacebuilding; and finally, (c) dance and creative movement activities, such as the use of mirroring, when done reflectively, can be valuable practices for developing empathy and supporting peacebuilding.
Emotions, dance and the politics of building peace
violence. This development
presents an enormous political and socio-economic challenge for many
African countries and organizations, which are already overburdened
trying to cope with a whole host of new and diverse security threats
besides terrorism. Moreover, this lack of state and institutional capacity is at times further overshadowed by an African wariness and lack of
political will over what some see as an imported problem. Their fear is
that the continent is once again becoming a battlefield for an ideological
clash of civilizations not of Africa’s own making
that not only did David Cameron feel compelled to back Labour’s pledges on aid spending but his first Secretary of State for International Development, Andrew Mitchell, claimed that international development policy had moved beyond party politics (Glennie, 2012 ). Labour’s policy effort in government was not without its problems and tensions, and has been the subject of a substantial literature. 1 However, in opposition, and in a markedly different domestic and international climate, Labour had to rethink its approach.
How Labour’s policy
Keeping this in mind, it is significant here that the key participants in this research project are youth, since, although it has only just begun to be well recognised, ‘Young people are key stakeholders in peace and security efforts’.
The early part of the twenty-first century has seen an increased focus on youth in global political discourse, including that of key international aid and development programmes, such as those hosted by the UN and the World Bank, among others.
-referential, in the
process drawing on an ever smaller number of (usually American) gurus
who have little regard for the longer-term currents of world history, even
within their own culture. Yet the older traditions of international relations’
political and intellectual history are far too precious to be left to moulder
away on the shelves of libraries. If this book has one good effect it will be to
take the strain off borrowings of international relations theorists of the
1970s and 1980s and to put it back on to, especially, those writing between
the 1920s and the 1940s.
Twentieth-century Germany in the debates of Anglo-American international
lawyers and transitional justice experts
twentieth century. Though being deeply complicit in the racist ideologies and practices of European imperialism, its followers also promoted a ‘progressive’ or ‘scientific’ understanding of law as opposed to politics, and the idea of a ‘global humanity’ with common moral standards, shared by a transnational community of experts and enlightened citizens.
Due to the various ‘cultural turns’ in law and political sciences, critical assessment of international law’s ideological roots and baggage has become the state of the art in legal historiography. Thanks to the studies
theoretical context within which I situated my analysis, I understand what has been discovered here as an effect of power relations as well as recognising that the knowledge is produced by a source that demonstrates a novel epistemic authority on account of its own technical know-how and the special information it is privy to. Rather than simply being viewed as benign or neutral elements of a discourse, the various features I have unearthed should be understood as intentional actions, operationalised within determinate political contexts ( Heller, 1996 , p. 87). In