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risk insurer identity: MIGA underwrites projects in developing countries rather than investing in a project sponsor like IFC or lending for a development project like the Bank.1 MIGA’s once removed position in the development process makes it less responsive to TEAN socialisation and until recently pointed to limited change rather than the more pervasive understandings of sustainable development that took hold within the World Bank’s lending and IFC’s corporate financing. MIGA’s early reactive and reluctant stance is evidence of its resistance to norms of sustainable

in World Bank Group interactions with environmentalists
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

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Art in the first industrial society

for understanding how a variety of cultural and geographical identities can be expressed through artistic patronage and production. Gunn has shown how the specificities of locality and region could be expressed by newly emergent cultural practice and how cultural performances reshaped those identities.11 Although London institutions exercised a powerful influence over the national art market, regional art activity, particularly that in Lancashire, did much to shape the taste for modern British paintings – a trend well established by the early Victorian period

in High culture and tall chimneys

characteristics of individual Roman citizens (Magnette, 2005: 19). The Middle Ages and Renaissance then highlighted the impact social groups, in particular professional (Weber, 1998: 44) and religious groups (Riesenberg, 1992: 88), can have on identity. In light of the extensive role identity has played in these historical processes of community building, it is then not at all surprising that European identity has been identified as an important component of European integration (Risse, 2010: 39–46). Ongoing debates about the nation state and the EU (Medrano, 2010), the fluid

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
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their efforts in education. Yet women religious also addressed the practical realities of being educators. They actively sought and obtained formal training and certification, even creating Catholic teaching colleges to ensure that training could be obtained in a Catholic setting. Women religious consciously modelled themselves as professionals. Part III examined the identity of women religious on a corporate level. As a congregation grew, and especially after a congregation’s founder died, Conclusion 237 the need to maintain the spirit of the institute was

in Contested identities

addition, changing technology and modes of organisation affect professionalism and professional autonomy as well (Broadbent et al. 1997: 10). According to Broadbent and colleagues, neoliberal values and new ways of organising work result in three issues or tensions in how professionalism may develop: firstly, professionals – this book’s welfare workers – are caught in the tensions between their (professional) autonomy as experts and the control mechanisms of their work organisation. Secondly, professionals engage with both a (professional) expert identity and an

in The power of citizens and professionals in welfare encounters
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inquest following Samuel Argent’s suicide in 1882 sympathetically thought that Argent ‘had evidently been affected, as most Europeans were, by such a climate and such a career’.1 Assumptions like these formed part of a wider discourse of Western susceptibility to tropical environments, and provided a smooth explanation for disturbing divergences from the professional type without raising awkward questions about systemic flaws.2 Yet most instances of career turbulence were not so easy to construe by the profession, by newspapers, or by the public as blameless misfortune

in Medical misadventure in an age of professionalisation, 1780–1890

older people. Viewed from the perspective of cultural sociology, research on the subject of older people’s interest organisations could focus on the interrelated dimensions of framing, discourse, identity and emotion. Alternatively research on the phenomenon might incorporate theoretical insights from the field of political science and engage with pertinent issues, such as institutional structures, political processes and political threats and opportunity structures. This chapter represents a step towards filling this lacuna in the research by bridging the divide

in The politics of old age

large areas of sociology including the sociology of race and class, cultural sociology, and critical race theory. I look forwards by examining the paths that my work opens for future research. Black middle-class identities and cultural repertoires One of my main aims in writing this book has been to encourage us to think about the complexities and diversities within an understudied social group in Britain – the Black middle class. Prior to my research, British Black middle-class identity was understood through the lens of strategic assimilation.4 This former research

in Black middle class Britannia

enable their location, such that when they come to light, a whole network of actors is deployed, such that they can be identified and brought back to a secure identity. It is constitutive of its own boundaries; boundaries that are not sanctioned by law nor cohere with British territoriality, and are the responsibility of a vast range of professionals to police and enforce. In demonstrating that Prevent is constitutive of a diagram of power that enacts a logic that combines security, identity and temporality, this

in Counter-radicalisation policy and the securing of British identity