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Visitor, annual), summarised in ‘Women, religious orders and congregations of’, in Glazier and Shelley (eds), Encyclopedia of American Catholic History, pp. 1498–1517, as supplemented from the websites of the bodies listing incomplete foundation data. 23 This was not always reciprocal. French-speaking Acadian sisters left the New Brunswick Sisters of Charity in 1924, as that dominantly Irish Canadian order spread through Canada under new pontifical status (T. J.  Fay, A History of Canadian Catholics (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002), p. 106). 24 M. C

in Irish Catholic identities
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Hymns ancient and modern

included Boney M (‘By the rivers of Babylon’); Abba (‘Fernando’), John Denver (‘You fill up my senses’) and Simon and Garfunkel (‘Sound of Silence’). Amongst the cast of characters interviewed by Mike Sweeney (a selfconfessed Catholic but not ‘dead dead religious’ as he put it) was Kath, who had come with twenty-six relatives, as it was a ‘family event’,2 and 258-270 FaithFamily Ch 6.indd 258 04/04/2013 14:40 Conclusion259 Barbara and Finoula from Warrington, who spoke about their churchgoing faith and extemporaneous use of bin bags to keep warm.3 An interview with

in Faith in the family
Emigration and sectarian rivalry

be impacted by the substantial loss of population which emigration represented. Between 1849 and 1852, as the immediacy of the Famine crisis dissipated and priests returned to being primarily religious pastors 149 Roddy_Population_Printer.indd 149 15/09/2014 11:47 Population, providence and empire rather than relief organisers, many of them began evaluating how the dust of five years of death and emigration had settled on their parishes. Even before the official census revealed a deficit of two million people – some 20% of the total pre-Famine population

in Population, providence and empire
Open Access (free)
French clerical reformers and episcopal status

seventeenthcentury figure may be termed the founder of the theology of priesthood, it is Cardinal Pierre de Bérulle (1575–1629), on whom all later writers on priesthood and reforming activists drew heavily. His reflections culminated in the formation in 1611, of the Congregation of the Oratory, a company of dedicated secular priests who would correspond to their founder’s notion of the clerical vocation. When Bérulle died in 1629, the Oratory numbered approximately four hundred members, housed in over sixty locations and overseeing many students training for the priesthood in

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Cookery texts as a source in lived religion

’ use of 136 Textuality and intertextuality primary sources. First, scholars pursuing lived religion bring new questions to traditional sources, reading sermons, for example, not for their expression of the preacher’s theology but for what they suggest about laypeople’s practices. Dawn Coleman has examined how antebellum American sermons can reveal ‘listening’ as a religious practice. Jacob Blosser and Marie Griffith have identified sermons in which ministers castigate congregations for sleeping or chatting during services; these excoriations reveal something about

in Reading and writing recipe books, 1550–1800
The pastoral responses of the Irish churches to emigration

commitment to the religious needs of the colonies, and of Irish congregations’ financial contributions to clergy in the colonies. ‘I have often been deeply humbled,’ he said, ‘nay, obliged to blush, over the reports that have reached us of the miserable givings of some of your congregations for the maintenance of those engaged in the noblest and best of work’.129 Yet the apparently misguided supposition that ‘a missionary to the colonies receives at once adequate support from the people to whom he ministers’ – true only in Victoria, according to McClure – meant, inevitably

in Population, providence and empire
Reorganizing leprosy care, 1890– 1900

Surinamese confinement policies and the necessity for an accommodation between the dominant Christian religious groups in the colony (Protestants and Catholics) and with the colonial state. A symbiotic alliance for leprosy care had formed between the colonial state and the Catholics earlier in the nineteenth century. However, at the end of the nineteenth century, this alliance was renegotiated within the transforming landscape of Surinamese society to incorporate Protestants as well. The reorganization of leprosy care in the colony was intended to establish a better

in Leprosy and colonialism

associations, “multiplied local congregations and overflowed into a veritable phalanx of evangelical organizations” that helped 126 Cultures of violence to stabilize a dynamic post-revolutionary society.7 Methodists and Baptists, followed closely by Presbyterians, rapidly outgrew their fringe status within American Christianity, eclipsing the established Anglican Church to become the largest denominations by 1820. The swiftness of this change was most striking in the Southern states. Here, so entrenched did this “radical experiment with religious liberty” become that

in Cultures of Violence
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Jews in Britain – a historical overview

numbers of Polish Jews settled in England – small tradesmen and itinerant peddlers. Jewish communities began to thrive in the large provincial towns, such as Birmingham, Manchester and Leeds, as well as in Scotland (Glasgow and Edinburgh) and Wales (Cardiff and Swansea). Most of these congregations were too small to afford to appoint a full-time rabbi. Instead, they looked to the rabbi of the oldest Ashkenazic synagogue in England, the Great Synagogue (also in the City of London), as their religious leader. And successive rabbis of the Great Synagogue came to be

in Leeds and its Jewish Community

to have been wholly surprised by the violence and determination of the Congregation’s resistance, nor were the Congregation themselves following any kind of predetermined plan. The storm blew up from clouds no bigger than a man’s hand, and took a course which none of the participants could have predicted. When it eventually came, the rebellion was a rising both against the Catholic establishment and against perceived French oppression. If a religious revolt was unexpected, perhaps anti-French feeling was more apparent. It has often been suggested that the 1559

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation