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fols 320–4, ‘Of Dispaire’ and fols 309–11 about fear. 158 MUP_Lux_Sterritt_Revised.indd 158 04/01/2017 14:50 TAMING WORLDLY EMOTIONS AND APPETITES 58 ADN, Ms 20H-10, fol. 277. 59 Ibid., fol. 312. 60 Ibid., fols 309–10. 61 Ibid., fol. 314. 62 2 Corinthians 4:6. 63 Baker, in Weld-Blundell (ed.), Contemplative Prayer, p. 177. 64 Ibid., p. 98. 65 Gertrude More, The Spiritual Exercises of the Most Vertuous and Religious D. Gertrude More of the holy Order of S. Bennet and the English Congregation of our ladies of Comfort in Cambray, she called them

in English Benedictine nuns in exile in the seventeenth century

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were nurtured by religious belief, and the eighteenth century would be little different in this respect. Dissenters of various sorts were legion, but non-believers and nonbelieving natural philosophers remained quite rare. In the absence of a master narrative which would enable us to chart the social impact of religion over time, therefore, it makes better sense to divide the question into parts – the parts most likely to further our understanding of the phenomenon of Industrial Enlightenment. Did Protestant Nonconformity facilitate a

in Industrial Enlightenment
Christianity, religion and the League

-going public into the orbit of the League movement. Despite many clergymen’s gloomy fixation upon the spectre of declining religious observance, this public was sizeable and growing, with church membership peaking, according to one estimate, at around 10m in 1930, representing approximately 29% of the adult population.6 Yet lobbying the churches not only facilitated direct access to thousands of congregations but also enabled the LNU to carve out a place for the League in the official discourse of organised religion, whose force was felt far beyond the community of regular

in The British people and the League of Nations

instil their cause into the religious life of local congregations. Under constant pressure to justify their work to supporters at home, missions were dependent on their ability to penetrate grass-roots society. 96 Susan Thorne shows how even in the most isolated rural villages the colonies could be encountered on a regular basis through the local institutions of organised religion. 97 Missionary sermons and publications mapped the Empire for their public, furnishing them with representations of people of different countries and shaping ideas of race, gender, and

in British civic society at the end of empire

of the constitution and the composition of the royal court, underlain by fluctuating ideas of the linkage between an individual’s private religion and their stance in temporal affairs. Yet a scholarly narrative overwhelmingly devoted to the fears and animosities injected into religious discourse offers an incomplete picture of the relationship between the different congregations. For all the force of the legal structures

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714
The Welsh experience of church polity, 1640–60

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 4 ‘One of the least things in religion’: the Welsh experience of church polity, 1640–60 Stephen K. Roberts T he condition of the protestant ministry in Wales was considered as deplorable at the restoration of the monarchy as it had been on the eve of the civil war nearly twenty years previously, and the condition of Wales, both in social and religious terms, remained generally marginal to the concerns of successive regimes at Westminster. Yet controversy over the governance of the church in Wales was

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66

Of the early life of Thomas Jones there is sparse documentary evidence, and nothing written in his own hand until August 1839 when he applied to the LMS to be sent overseas as a missionary. The question of what knowledge and practices Jones carried with him, both in terms of religious belief and practical know-how, is important in determining both the force

in Welsh missionaries and British imperialism

Missionary Sisters of Our Lady of the Holy Rosary (Holy Rosary Sisters) and the Immaculate Heart of Mary (IHM), Mother of Christ Sisters. The first two began as Irish congregations, or orders, whereas the latter is a religious congregation of Nigerian women. The focus on missionaries’ viewpoints provides insight into a neglected aspect of the post-colonial era in sub-Saharan Africa, the decolonisation and independence periods and what happened to healthcare during violence and massive displacement of people. Through their religious congregations, Catholic sisters worked

in Colonial caring
Emigration and the spread of Irish religious influence

congregation in 1850, ‘There is not such a religious people on the face of the earth – so attached to their faith – so attached to their clergy’.19 The strength and resilience of Irish faith was matched by its ancient ‘purity’. Michael Phelan, an Irish-Australian Jesuit, noted that ‘Ireland had never belonged to the Empire of the Caesars’ and thereby cut off, had been ‘saved from its corruption and final ruin’. In an 1862 pastoral letter, Paul Cullen observed the spreading by emigrants of ‘the faith which they inherited from St Patrick, and which had been handed down to them

in Population, providence and empire

Ibid. , p. 276. 59 R. MacGinley, Foundations of Australian Congregations of Religious Women: An Investigation (Sydney, 1979). 60 Fogarty, Catholic Education in Australia , 2, p. 286, footnote 81

in Empire, migration and identity in the British world