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perception of the European Union, in relation to four aspects in particular: economic integration, supra-state governance, the social dimension and the respective positions of the EU and UK relative to Scotland. Despite lingering concerns about peripherality, the building of a single market was perceived as having been beneficial for Europe in general and for Scotland in particular. Supra-state governance was seen as a necessary feature of a modern political order in Europe, in particular in the new post-Cold War order and vis-à-vis the process of globalisation, though

in Between two Unions
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it is valuable to consider more theoretical definitions of political corruption developed by political scientists and cultural theorists. At the very least, corruption is the misuse of public office, by both elected representatives or by appointed officials, for personal gain or the gain of others who are connected to the office holders as family, clients, supporters or dependants.1 It is a function of power exercised by those who can dispense benefits and advantages. In the sense of misuse of public office, political corruption is contrary to the social and

in From virtue to venality
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Place, identity and peacebuilding

easily studying social messiness but also to facilitate the government of individuals and collectivities. The definition of agents as local and international, and liberal or indigenous, is too general, misleading and unrepresentative. This is significant, because once the identity of individuals is overshadowed by generalised labelling, examination of their distinct agency vanishes. Identification of individuals and communities based on their race, ethnicity and religious belonging has primarily served elites in securing political support and has often reproduced

in The politics of identity
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Cosmologies of substance, production, and accumulation in Central Mozambique

affects what I call cosmological creation. Such crisis and creation is only in part related to general processes of commodification; instead it is crucially premised on the mill’s appropriation of the transformative power of maize to the detriment of women. This pertains particularly to women as in the context of the household these largely control the socially and cosmologically significant tasks of transforming the maize cob to maize meal, which in turn will be made into the staple food.2 Centrally, such an argument also relates to the locally conceived and

in Framing cosmologies

village-related interests. The problem is that the power of governments, international organisations and members of privileged classes is not comparable to that of peasants, street sellers and members of popular classes. It is this element that has to be embedded into accounts of resistance and analysed. A second implication is that placing subjecthood and agency on subordinated individuals and collectives historicises relations of domination. Though the different wars have had a great impact, subordination has a longer history. This history reflects the social and

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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Globalization theory and India

. Narasimha Rao and former finance minister Manmohan Singh had played a key role in this process. Following the 2004 election, Manmohan Singh became prime minister of India and at the time of writing it is his government’s responsibility to take the process of economic liberalization forward. The Congress declared in its 2004 election manifesto that it is the only party ‘whose philosophy on governance is rooted in combining sustainable economic growth with social justice, and marrying economic liberalism to social liberalism’ (Indian National Congress, 2004). India is

in India in a globalized world
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internationalism reveals how, by the late nineteenth century, ideas about ‘nationality’ and ‘nationhood’ had become central ways of interpreting the world. Activists were at pains to stress that ‘nationalism’ and ‘internationalism’ were not conflicting ideologies. The sociologist Adolphe Quetelet offers a case in point. As organiser of the first International Statistical Congress in Brussels (1853), he made an early contribution to internationalism in Belgium.1 However, in his work Du Système social et des lois qui le régissent, Quetelet sounded a cautious note. He recognised

in The age of internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930

diversity within a nascent, yet fragile, political unity. Joining together diverse entities in a regional union that respects their individual integrity, the constitutional structure of the Union challenges the organic theory of the polity, without relying entirely on the properties of ‘segmented differentiation’. From this stems its greatest merit as a system of mutual governance, but also its strongest concern: to provide equality of status to its members while allowing for a less rigid understanding of sovereign statehood. In fact, the TEU offers an advanced conception

in Theory and reform in the European Union

, and (c) that they coincide with the topographical limits of polity territories. These three deconstructions are congruent with three theoretical developments in anthropology that pose a challenge for our studies of borders. First, a recent vogue in some sections of anthropology in the United Kingdom, inspired especially by actor-network theory (Latour 2005), argues that we should conceive of a ‘flat’ social that includes human and non-human ‘actants’. Here we find a call to trace how things ‘act’ to structure practice, how they ‘afford’ certain forms of engagement

in The political materialities of borders
The development of Indian identity in 1940s’ Durban

-help – bereft, as they were, of citizenship rights and faced with discrimination in areas of employment, housing and services. The Indian community came to occupy a marginalised and ambivalent position in the political and social landscape of South Africa. The making of community was, however, a contentious project. Indians were not transformed into a single and essentialised ethnic group; rather, the South African Indian community has been differentiated over time, its material circumstances in continual flux. At times, Indians have

in Rethinking settler colonialism