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does? Do we stand by as academics until we have more certainty, more facts to analyse? Or do we take a stand and support those calling for change? Is it our place to do that? Is our support needed? Would it be welcomed? Slow violence In New York, the trauma was sudden and unexpected. In Grenfell, what happened was shocking, of course, but it was also the predicted outcome of a slow, everyday trauma that had been building through decades of neglect, discrimination and inequality, exacerbated since 2008 by the impact of austerity. Slow, everyday trauma does not so much

in Change and the politics of certainty

the 2008 financial crisis; and divergence to a policy of neo-liberal austerity premised on a far-reaching critique of the role of the state itself. However, as Lee acknowledges, all of this took place within neo-Thatcherite parameters (2009: 78). As discussed above, by the time of David Cameron’s election as party leader the Conservatives had already moved to embrace a new macroeconomic consensus with Labour, and had fought the 2005 election promising to match government spending on key public services. As such, significant convergence had already occurred. The

in Reconstructing conservatism?

’s bargaining power on over- and underground rail transport. Provider–user alliances Unions, as associations of workers providing services to citizens, have an interest in creating alliances between themselves and the citizens using those services. For a union, these alliances can bind industrial and political interests together in effective ways, and this is particularly so for privately owned transport which is publicly regulated and used en masse.121 The profit imperative and government austerity endanger the interests of both workers and citizens, whereby lower levels of

in Bob Crow: Socialist, leader, fighter
On late modernity and social statehood

Populism, neoliberalism, and globalisation are just three of the many terms used to analyse the challenges facing democracies around the world. Critical Theory and Sociological Theory examines those challenges by investigating how the conditions of democratic statehood have been altered at several key historical intervals since 1945. The author explains why the formal mechanisms of democratic statehood, such as elections, have always been complemented by civic, cultural, educational, socio-economic, and, perhaps most importantly, constitutional institutions mediating between citizens and state authority. Critical theory is rearticulated with a contemporary focus in order to show how the mediations between citizens and statehood are once again rapidly changing. The book looks at the ways in which modern societies have developed mixed constitutions in several senses that go beyond the official separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers. In addition to that separation, one also witnesses a complex set of conflicts, agreements, and precarious compromises that are not adequately defined by the existing conceptual vocabulary on the subject. Darrow Schecter shows why a sociological approach to critical theory is urgently needed to address prevailing conceptual deficits and to explain how the formal mechanisms of democratic statehood need to be complemented and updated in new ways today.

left. As a result, a country that was among the most heavily hit in the world by the 2008 economic crisis did not see a social democratic (or socialist) resurrection on the political scene or emergence of intellectual alternatives to the ruling neoliberal economic ideology. This chapter provides a short explanation of the fall of the Latvian left from historical prominence to modern infamy, followed by an analysis of the surprising lack of resurrection of the left in spite of harsh austerity measures imposed in the country, and the impact of the

in The European left and the financial crisis

collective vision of a particular tradition, period, background or ‘school’. It’s logical and usual to consider even impersonal and anonymous artworks as an expression of a general consensus ( A Mirror for England , p. 4). 1 R AYMOND DURGNAT’S A Mirror for England: British Movies from Austerity to Affluence , which deals

in British cinema of the 1950s
Abstract only

merely passing’ under various political regimes. In the previous chapter I interrogated the The anxious subject 61 waiting that was both stigmatised and produced by austerity policies and workfare programmes. In this chapter, I wish to probe further how the post-Soviet politics of waiting and catching up have both shaped one’s sense of self and been enabled by particular forms of subjectivity. As Veena Das asks to this end, ‘What is the work that time does in the creation of the subject?’ (2007: 95). She notes that, for her interlocutors, time appears as having an

in Politics of waiting
Looming constitutional conflicts between the de-centralist logic of functional diff erentiation and the bio-political steering of austerity and global governance

3 Functional differentiation and mediated unity in question: looming constitutional conflicts between the de-​centralist logic of functional differentiation and the bio-​political steering of austerity and global governance It has been seen so far that the theoretical premises informing prevailing accounts of modern statehood and political representation have become susceptible to comprehensive critique and deconstruction. This is not to argue that states no longer exist or have ceased to be important actors in domestic and international politics. In many parts

in Critical theory and sociological theory

clothing and furniture remained below 1938 levels until 1953 when consumer expenditure across the board increased rapidly. By 1960 it was 27% higher than it had been a decade before.10 Advertising expenditure broadly mirrored this growth in popular consumption. In the early 1950s, with austerity controls continuing to limit private-sector consumption, total advertising expenditure stood at about 1.4% of national income, considerably lower than the immediate pre-war level of 2.1%.11 Expenditure on advertising, however, began to grow steadily from 1953 onwards and

in Hard sell
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’

which has also presided over extensive labour market fragmentation. Constructing the public sphere in the realm of work and employment In a comparative study of the impact of austerity on Southern European economies since 2008, Koukiadaki and colleagues (2016) have argued that those normally right-wing and/or elite European Commission-based commentators and politicians criticising the lack of labour flexibility in Greece, Portugal and Spain have tended to ignore the fact that these systems emerged from oppressive regimes where you would not have anticipated the

in Making work more equal