Chapter 6 Britain, Germany and the Non-Proliferation Treaty T hroughout the period from 1964 to 1970, an international agreement on measures that would prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, not least into the hands of Germany, was a prime foreign policy objective of the Labour governments. In this context, it is significant that the day before Harold Wilson entered Downing Street as the newly elected Prime Minister, the Chinese had ­ detonated their first nuclear weapon, a development that would be bound to cause regional anxieties, and might provoke

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70

Chapter 8 Anglo-German relations and Britain’s policy towards the European Economic Community L ooking back on the 1960s and the time of the Wilson governments there can be little surprise at the turn of events that brought about Britain’s second application for membership of the EEC. Although President Charles de Gaulle’s veto in 1963 stopped Britain’s turn towards Europe dead in its tracks, the economic and geo­political imperatives that had motivated Britain’s first application did not simply disappear. Rather, by the time Labour took office in October 1964

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70

In the imperial sphere, the Labour government pursued a policy of ‘conservatism decked out to appear … progressive’. 2 Retreat from the Indian subcontinent led to renewed attempts to preserve British influence throughout the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa as ministers and officials attempted to redevelop the Empire along new lines. While numerous studies have focused on colonial development and

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
Hardware or software?

Chapter 2 Nuclear sharing in NATO: hardware or software? T he question of nuclear sharing within NATO was one of the more seemingly intractable problems confronting Harold Wilson and the in-coming Labour government. The solution that commanded the field in October 1964, having been advanced some four years ­earlier by the United States as a counter to the increasing number of Soviet medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs) capable of striking at NATO bases, and as tangible evidence of its commitment to the defence of Western Europe, was for a NATO multilateral

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Labour and intelligence during the Second World War

political reliability. 1 Hugh Dalton, 2 July 1940 This chapter will illustrate how the Labour leadership’s involvement with the wartime Churchill government brought ministers into the world of intelligence and security, an area previously overlooked by academics looking at this period. 2 From the summer of 1940

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
Abstract only
Labour ministers, vetting and subversion

without a murmur. They have in fact surrendered their liberty. 2 Clement Attlee, January 1940 Despite their involvement in the wartime coalition government, it has been argued that the Labour leadership were suspicious of the Security Service when they entered office in the summer of 1945. In fact, rather than viewing the Service

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51

Chapter 7 Détente, Ostpolitik and Anglo-German relations A review of international relations in the 1950s and 1960s would show that Germany’s policies towards Eastern Europe varied according to both the prevailing state of East–West relations and the make-up of the government in Bonn. For some, the policies pursued by Germany should be considered in the context of ‘the phrase Politik der kleinen Schritte i.e. being content with small steps in the right direction … the signposts were there for all to see: sovereignty … unification … and European integration’.1

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Ministers, atomic espionage and Anglo-American relations

political capital out of it [and] some are calling for a witch hunt. 2 Kenneth Younger, 1951 The Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was an important dimension of Attlee’s foreign and defence policy. Stemming from wartime collaboration, relations with Washington were fraught and served to provide the Labour government with

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51

In 2006 the municipal government of Hazleton Pennsylvania became the first city in the US to enact a so-called Illegal Relief Act (IIRA) (Varsanyi, 2010 ). Proponents of the Act were explicit that their aim was to make it as difficult as possible for undocumented residents to live and work in the city. In addition to describing these residents as ‘illegal’, proponents also claimed that undocumented residents were a burden on the city's social services and a threat to the broader security of the community. While the IIRA was enacted with

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
São Paulo’s apparatus for homicide management

6 Government produces crime, crime produces government: São Paulo’s apparatus for homicide management This chapter offers a situated analysis of the specificities of São Paulo’s urban conflict, charting more than two decades of conflict between government policies and criminal policies in the management of lethal violence.1 In Chapter 4, I discussed the repertoire of normative regimes that pluralise the notion of justice in the peripheries of São Paulo, and of ways in which, over the years, a justice system overseen by ‘crime’ has come to coexist with regimes of

in The entangled city