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‘We’ve moved on’
Andrew Monaghan

Russia in terms of business, but also in sensitive areas including in the military and intelligence domains. Another interpretation draws attention to the persistent friction between the West, particularly in its institutional forms such as the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and Russia, whether over questions of wider Euro-Atlantic security, such as that caused by the

in The new politics of Russia
Open Access (free)
‘We’ve moved on’
Andrew Monaghan

Russia in terms of business, but also in sensitive areas including in the military and intelligence domains. Another interpretation draws attention to the persistent friction between the West, particularly in its institutional forms such as the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and Russia, whether over questions of wider Euro-Atlantic security, such as that caused by the

in The new politics of Russia
Stanley R. Sloan

When, in sudden historical succession, the Berlin Wall was breached, communist regimes were swept from office throughout Eastern Europe, the Warsaw Pact was dissolved, and the Soviet Union disintegrated, the NATO allies could not believe their good fortune. These events raised concerns in Washington and in West European capitals about potential instability growing out of so much change in such a short time. But a 40-year struggle had been resolved in their favor without a shot fired in anger. The Cold War had never turned hot, deterrence had worked, and the

in Defense of the West (second edition)
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From convergence to divergence and back?
James W. Peterson
and
Jacek Lubecki

region, there was a chance for each state to take an independent path with direction from Moscow ended. Czechs and Slovaks parted ways in 1993, as the problematic nation-state created for both in 1918 was no longer sustainable. Three of the four became NATO members in 1999, while the Slovaks had to wait until 2004. All four became EU members in 2004. From then on, convergence probably dominated divergence as a guiding theme until 2012. All four became

in Defense policies of East-Central European countries after 1989
Kosovo prior to 1999
Naomi Head

identify the problem posed by Kosovo and addressed theoretically and empirically in Part II of the book. Whilst most analyses of the intervention focus on the period 1998 –99, there is little doubt that an understanding of the process which led to NATO’s use of force in March 1999 requires that the story be traced back earlier than to the immediate factors leading to the intervention. By so doing, it is possible

in Justifying violence
Stanley R. Sloan

possible, as noted in the first chapter. NATO tolerated an undemocratic regime in Portugal and military juntas in Greece and Turkey, judging that it was more important to maintain a united front against the Soviet threat than to maintain internal liberal democratic purity. Today, the challenge is to do both: improve the West’s democratic systems and institutions to diminish the internal dissatisfaction that can give rise to illiberal tendencies supported by populist movements, while providing sufficiently strong defenses against external threats – in the contemporary

in Transatlantic traumas
Leslie C. Green

as well as to any force operating in the name of some other intergovernmental organisation like NATO, as has been the case in the former Yugoslavia or Afghanistan. The rights of member states The only freedom of action left to members in matters of this kind is to be found in Article 51, which emphasises that ‘nothing in the Charter shall impair the inherent

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
A mixed set of perceptions
James W. Peterson

the larger military power to the north made it seem to be a real victim and thus placed a wedge between Moscow and Washington. Another component of the Russian–American relationship was the matter of NATO involvement, given Russian anxieties about the expansion of that alliance. NATO eventually took over most of the allied military forces in Afghanistan. While the alliance refused to play a similar role in Iraq, its members did take over a training mission for Iraqi police officers and military personnel. The NATO connection in the Georgia War was

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
A game-changing earthquake in the relationship
James W. Peterson

certainly had not done so ( SME 2015c ). The governments in Moscow and Kiev then traded accusations about who was responsible for violating the ceasefire, while President Poroshenko stated that he was prepared for even more attacks ( USA Today 2015j ). Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk of the Ukraine announced in the midst of all of this that the government had approved and sent to the president the Ukraine–NATO Annual National Program, and it included five key points. The Ukrainian military needed to meet the alliance's standards in communications

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Katja Biedenkopf
and
Alexander Mattelaer

analysis of foreign policy choices. The following section outlines policy diffusion and transfer as public policy approaches, which is followed by a proposal for ways in which these two concepts could enrich FPA. The fourth section illustrates the application of a policy diffusion lens to foreign policy decisions, namely the case of planning doctrine for military crisis response operations. It explores the historical origins of NATO’s operational planning doctrine and how it has diffused to other international organizations such as the EU and

in Foreign policy as public policy?