Commentary by Conrad H. Rawski (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), vol. 1, p. 141.
12 Original and translation from A. Bartlett Giamatti, ‘Hippolytus among the Exiles:
The Romance of Early Humanism’, in A. Bartlett Giamatti, Exile and Change in
RenaissanceLiterature (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1984), p. 18.
13 Giamatti, Exile and Change. For a more recent assessment of Petrarch’s role in the
rebirth of a classical tradition (as opposed to several) that had died and was born
again, see C. W. Kallendorf, ‘Renaissance’, in C. W
in English RenaissanceLiterature, Shakespeare
to Milton (New York, 2003), pp. 76–80.
72 D. Shugen, ‘Irishmen, aristocrats and other white barbarians’, Renaissance
Quarterly, 50(2) (1997), 495; N. Johnston, Devil and Demonism in Early Modern
England (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 40, 227; Tait, Edwards, Lenihan and Pádraig,
‘Early modern Ireland: a history of violence’, p. 27; C. Cannino, ‘The discourse of
Hell: Paradise Lost and the Irish rebellion’, Milton Quarterly, 32(1) (1998), 15–23;
C. Carlton, Going to the Wars: the Experience of the British Civil Wars, 1638
into Shakespeare studies’.
Such developments, he continues, might well blur ‘the distinctiveness of the early modern’,70 a risk that Nigel Smith blames on the fact
that students of English increasingly encounter only ‘a reduced diet’
of works and writers yet are expected to form an opinion ‘of the variety of Renaissanceliterature’.71 The spread and depth of field that the
New Historicism had promised early modern studies thus seems to
have fallen victim to university funding cuts and the resulting streamlining of teaching content, but also to the increasing
Nightmares, conscience and the ‘Gothic’ self in Richard III
Elisabeth Bronfen and Beate Neumeier
Drakakis, commenting on Baldick, lists a
number of Shakespearean plays that would exemplify such
anxieties, but omits Richard III (Drakakis, ‘Introduction’ 8). Generally speaking,
Renaissanceliterature, Shakespeare in particular, provided a
rich configuration of resources for Gothic writing of the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries; for discussion, see
sequence in London,
Westmeath and Spanish Flanders’, in David Coleman (ed.), Region, religion and English
Renaissanceliterature (Farnham, 2013), pp. 67–85.
60 Marie-Louise Coolahan, ‘Ideal communities and planter women’s writing in
seventeenth-century Ireland’, Parergon 29:2 (2012), pp. 69–91.
61 Barnaby Rich, The Irish hubbub or, The English hue and crie (London, 1617), pp. 2, 5.
GRIBBEN 9781526113245 PRINT.indd 116
Renaissance Dublin and literary authorship
author’s derisive and corrective social aims. The culture of Renaissance
therefore forgive his and others’ past
22 The term ‘Mere Irish’ was not, as it is sometimes supposed, a pejorative term. ‘Mere’
in this context means ‘pure-blooded’ or ‘whole’ and was used to distinguish the Gaelic
Irish from the English-Irish or Old English. The dismissive connotation of ‘mere’ in the
contemporary sense (as in, for example, the phrase ‘a mere child’) did not exist in the
early modern period.
23 John Kerrigan, ‘Boyle’s Ireland and the British problem, 1641–1679’, in David J. Baker
and Willy Maley (eds), British identities and English Renaissance
Janice Valls- Russell, Agnès Lafont and Charlotte Coffin
Pollard, ‘Greek playbooks and dramatic forms in early modern
England’, in Allison K. Deutermann and András Kiséry
(eds), Formal Matters: Reading the Materials of English
RenaissanceLiterature (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2013), pp. 99–123. On Hero and Leander, see Chapter 2 (Tania Demetriou) in this
bilingual editions and translations, and the impact of Greek drama
on early modern theatre, see Tanya Pollard, ‘Greek playbooks and
dramatic forms in early modern England’, in Allison K.
Deutermann and András Kisery (eds), Formal Matters: Reading
the Materials of English RenaissanceLiterature (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 2013), pp. 99–123. On the
in early modern Ireland: English RenaissanceLiterature and Elizabethan Imperial Expansion (Cambridge, 2001); P. Palmer,
‘Interpreters and the politics of translation and traduction in sixteenth-century
Ireland’, IHS 33 (2003), pp. 257–77.
14 For a brief introduction see: M. Braddick and J. Walter, ‘Introduction’, in Braddick
and Walter (eds), Negotiating Power, pp. 1–42.
15 Kane, ‘Popular Politics’, pp. 332–3.
16 T. Barnard, ‘“Parlour entertainment in an evening?” Histories of the 1640s’,
in M. Ó Siochrú (ed.), Kingdoms in Crisis: Ireland in the 1640s (Dublin