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turn, local commissioners and individual exhibitors manoeuvred to distinguish their reputation against those of other British towns. As John Potter, the then mayor of Manchester, explained to his fellow townsmen, the aim of the exhibition was to ‘bring into competition and honourable rivalry’ the skills of designers and manufacturers.27 This ‘honourable rivalry’, fortified frequently by dishonourable rivalry, ensured that visitors encountered anything but a unified ‘nation on display’.28 The seeds for this model of urban competition through exhibition had been sown

in Beyond the metropolis
From competition to the foundational economy

For thirty years, the British economy has repeated the same old experiment of subjecting everything to competition and market because that is what works in the imagination of central government. This book demonstrates the repeated failure of the 30 year policy experiments by examining three sectors: broadband, food supply and retail banking. It argues against naïve metaphors of national disease, highlights the imaginary (or cosmology) that frames those metaphors, and draws out the implications of the experiment. Discussing the role of the experiments in post-1945 Britain, the book's overview on telecommunications, supermarkets and retail banking, reveals the limits of treatment by competition. Privatisation of fixed line telecoms in the UK delivered a system in which the private and public interests are only partially aligned in relation to provision of broadband. Individual supermarket chains may struggle but the four big UK supermarket chains are generally presented as exemplars because they have for a generation combined adequate profits with low price, choice and quality to deliver shareholder value. The many inquiries into retail banking after the financial crisis have concluded that the sector's problem was not enough competition. In a devolved experiment, socially-licensed policies and priorities vary from place to place and context to context. However, meaningful political engagement with the specifics in the economy will need to avoid losing sight of four principles: contestation, judgement, discussion, and tinkering. While others can be blamed for the failure of the experiments, the political responsibility for the ending and starting another is collectively peoples'.

From indecision to indifference

European labour movements in crisis contends that labour movements respond to European integration in a manner which instigates competition between national labour markets. This argument is based on analysis of four countries (Germany, Spain, France and Poland) and two processes: the collective bargaining practices of trade unions in the first decade of the Eurozone and the response of trade unions and social-democratic parties to austerity in Southern Europe. In the first process, although unions did not intentionally compete, there was a drift towards zero-sum outcomes which benefited national workforces in stronger structural positions. In the second process, during which a crisis resulting from the earlier actions of labour occurred, lack of solidarity reinforced effects of competition.

Such processes are indicative of relations between national labour movements which are rooted in competition, even if causal mechanisms are somewhat indirect. The book moreover engages with debates concerning the dualization of labour markets, arguing that substantive outcomes demonstrate the existence of a European insider–outsider division. Findings also confirm the salience of intergovernmentalist analyses of integration and point to a relationship between labour sectionalism and European disintegration.

8 Why are there independents in Ireland? Introduction The core thesis of this study is that independents are not an aberrant, irrational feature of the Irish political system. They have maintained a continuous presence in a stable party democracy because, unlike in other polities, the system is permissive of them. This permissiveness can occur via electoral rules, political norms, the structure of party competition and the attitude of political actors in terms of their willingness to incorporate independents into the political system. These factors all act to

in Independents in Irish party democracy

of competition and/or cooperation. This concern is related to debates about dualization (Emmenegger et al. , 2012 ) and findings may contribute to this literature. In this chapter, I therefore examine the extent to which dualization on a European scale exists and whether it is in the interests of workers in core countries. I contend that the creation of the division can be linked to the interests of these employees, although the means by which the divide has been instigated are indirect. Specifically, I submit that the advantage of core

in European labour movements in crisis
Failures of transmission

international competitions.2 So how can we explain the failure of sporting ‘modernisation’ in early modern Europe, and the failure of cultural transmission from England during the long eighteenth century? This chapter offers a first attempt to explore this complex and difficult question. Perhaps not, as we will see, to fully answer this key question, but rather as a strategy to shed some new light on a number of major themes relevant to this volume: issues of convergence and divergence, comparability, and processes of cultural transmission. The transformation of English

in Leisure cultures in urban Europe, c.1700–1870
Nineteenth-century stained glass and the international exhibitions, 1851– 1900

Windows for the world: nineteenth-century stained glass and the international exhibitions, 1851-1900 focuses on the display and reception of nineteenth-century stained glass in an international and secular context, by exploring the significance of the stained glass displayed at ten international exhibitions held in Britain, France, the USA and Australia between 1851 and 1900. International in scope, it is the first study to explore the global development of stained glass in this period, as showcased at, and influenced by, these international events.

Drawing on hundreds of contemporaneous written and visual sources, it identifies the artists and makers who exhibited stained glass, as well as those who reviewed and judged the exhibits. It also provides close readings of specific stained glass exhibits in relation to stylistic developments, material and technological innovations, iconographic themes and visual ideologies.

This monograph broadens approaches to post-medieval stained glass by placing stained glass in its wider cultural, political, economic and global contexts. It provides new perspectives and fresh interpretations of stained glass in these environments, through themed chapters, each of which highlight a different aspect of stained glass in the nineteenth century, including material taxonomies, modes of display, stylistic eclecticism, exhibitors’ international networks, production and consumption, nationalism and imperialism.

As such, the book challenges many of the major methodological and historiographical assumptions and paradigms relating to the study of stained glass. Its scope and range will have wide appeal to those interested in the history of stained glass as well as nineteenth-century culture more broadly.

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greatly reinforced by the referendum result and became entrenched during the long years of the Thatcher governments. The party abandoned the distinction between opposition to an assembly along the lines of the Scotland Act 1978 but support for the principle of devolution and adopted a position of complete rejection of self-government. For most of the 1980s, however, the issue of self-government was virtually removed from the centre-stage of party competition despite the fact that the continuous erosion of support for the Conservatives in Scotland was attributed by many

in Between two Unions

was about to end, and negotiations between the company and the Government were pending. To win the 1853 contract, P&O had reduced its favoured average monthly rate of 6 s 2 d to 4 s 6 d , but the company would not be able to sustain this rate much longer. The Government might want a competition but Anderson did not think there was much to fear on that score. No other company had as many vessels

in Flagships of imperialism

: It shall be the principal duty of Ofcom, in carrying out their functions – (a) to further the interests of citizens in relation to communications matters; and (b) to further the interests of consumers in relevant markets, where appropriate by promoting competition. (3) In performing their duties under

in Network neutrality