around children's immigration status that extend into adulthood and place ceilings on opportunities, including restricting access to third-level education. The chapter draws on research undertaken by the Immigrant Council of Ireland in 2016. According to the 2016 Census there were 535,475 ‘non-Irish’ representing over two hundred different nationalities and a further 104,784 people who described themselves as dual nationality with Irish being part of that dual identity. Of those who described themselves as having dual nationality, 34,761 (33

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands

policy results from a complex interplay of forces involving many actors. The ECJ’s role in sports regulation illustrates these complexities. Free movement in the European Union Article 3(c) of the Treaty requires ‘the abolition, as between member states, of obstacles to the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital’. According to Article 12, for this to be achieved, ‘any discrimination on grounds of nationality shall be prohibited’. Three further Articles elaborate this goal in the specific fields of employment (Article 39), establishment rights (Article 43

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
The limits of political rights of immigrants

the campaigns of social actors like SOS Racisme and the UGT and CCOO trade unions.5 Moreover, there were also calls during this electoral campaign from the ERC (Catalonia’s pro-independence party) to change the Spanish Constitution because in its opinion it discriminates between the political rights of immigrants based on their origin (it is against the fact that some immigrants can vote after two years by obtaining Spanish nationality, while others have to wait more than ten years) (El País, 2007c). There are also the words of one member of IU that said that the

in Diversity management in Spain
Abstract only
Roddy Doyle’s hyphenated identities

‘the unstable points of identification or suture, which are made, within the discourses of history and culture. Not an essence but a positioning’ (Hall, 1994: 395). For Doyle, Ireland’s new ‘positioning’ includes a larger definition of Irishness that encompasses hybridisation and its resulting hyphenated identities, that is, identities that encompass more than one nationality, ethnicity or culture. Diane Sabenacio Nititham is a good 95 Eva Roa White example of an Irish hyphenated identity, as her cultural identity encompasses two nationalities. In her article on

in Literary visions of multicultural Ireland
Social worlds and cultural positionings

‘upward mobility’ whereby the interviewees concerned try to distance themselves from the socio-economic community which surrounds them in order to ‘get ahead’ professionally and/or financially. Eight interviewees fall into this category (five young men and three young women). Twenty-two-year-old ‘Tayeb’ is studying for a BTS in Accountancy at the Cité scolaire Pablo Picasso in Aubervilliers. He was born in Algeria and has lived in Aubervilliers since the age of nine. He does not hold French nationality, but has recently requested naturalisation. Throughout the group

in Identities, discourses and experiences
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The anti-colonial roots of American anarchist debates during the First World War

radical, but it might need to be satisfied before oppressed nationalities could ‘learn’ the necessity of more radical forms of emancipation. Indian revolutionaries in the United States, meanwhile, attempted to fuse anarchism and syndicalism to their own struggle for national liberation. Hindu intellectual and anti-imperialist Har Dayal arrived in Berkeley in 1911, and was soon deeply involved in Bay Area anarchist circles. He took the initiative in establishing the multiethnic International Radical Club, the anarchist Fraternity of the Red Flag and the Bakunin Institute

in Anarchism, 1914–18

share ‘British values’. Their citizenship or/and nationality are hyphenated; they are British-Irish, British-Indian, British-African, British-Arab or, controversially, ‘non-citizens’. 2 These hyphenated citizens, though equal under the law, have been perceived as not nationalistic enough to deserve hyphenated titles like Irish-Welsh, or Nigerian-Scots. Rather, it is their shared British citizenship that endows them with their British hyphenation. 3 In Ireland, the realities of hyphenated citizens, such as ‘black-Irish’ or ‘mixed

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
Confronting military service overseas

British Army was willing to utilise their Italianness in different operational contexts. ‘Signing on the dotted line’ - a policy of accommodation and protection When Italy declared war on Britain in June 1940, the Army Council had already been deliberating for some months on the conditions of service for recruits who were British subjects with either dual nationality or alien parentage. On the outbreak of war, in September 1939, the Army Council issued instructions that all those with German parentage were to be removed from their field units and returned to base or

in Experiencing war as the ‘enemy other’
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‘Go home’ as an invitation to stay

British rulers and won their independence, British governments jettisoned the lie of imperial unity and equality and introduced racially exclusive immigration controls. Although Britain retained overseas colonies, a series of immigration and nationality laws passed in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s effectively announced Britain as post-colonial. Racialised colony and Commonwealth subjects were treated as ‘aliens’ for the purpose of immigration control. In determining those who legally belonged in Britain on the basis of an ancestral link with the British mainland, Britain

in (B)ordering Britain
Cordoning off colonial spoils

of British subjecthood is necessarily a colonial act, one that is reproductive of a racial order. The 1948 British Nationality Act rolled out the colonial status of Citizenship of the United Kingdom and Colonies, which included a right of entry to Britain. The Act was a bid to hold together what remained of the British Empire and the Commonwealth. The principal reason for Britain’s wide casting of the nationality net was the maintenance of white British supremacy through its migratory, political and economic relationship with the white settler colonies. An effect

in (B)ordering Britain