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The challenges of neoliberalisation
Marco Oberti and Edmond Préteceille

merely a reflection of economic changes. The communist project, which was a major dimension of working-class political identity in many European countries, lost its appeal and credibility, because most communist parties remained frozen in a representation of societies dating from the 1930s, and because of the collapse of the Soviet Union. And social democracy has been subjugated by the ‘modernity’ of finance and the neoliberal market, progressively demoting the welfare state and its benefits and protection for the working class. The political forces which were factors

in Western capitalism in transition
The women’s Conservative organisation in the age of partial suffrage, 1914–28
David Thackeray

the women’s Conservative organisation in Lancashire has subsequently been explored by Neil Fleming. See N. C. Fleming, ‘Women and Lancashire Conservatism Between the Wars’, Women’s History Review, 26 (2017), 329–49. 62 Rethinking right-­wing women  5 Pamela M. Graves, Labour Women: Women in British Working-Class Politics 1918–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Cheryl Law, Suffrage and Power: The Women’s Movement, 1918–1928 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997).  6 Patricia Hollis, Ladies Elect: Women in English Local Government 1865–1914 (Oxford: Oxford

in Rethinking right-wing women
Abstract only
Olivier Esteves

stocked in nearby buildings, they were put on trial on conspiracy charges. They were finally acquitted, having repeatedly used the slogan ‘self-defence is no offence’. 73 Interview, 20.10.2015. 74 Merry, Equality, Citizenship and Segregation, p. 32. 75 Ibid., pp. 6–7. 76 Ibid., p. 32. 77 Sally Tomlinson, A Sociology of Special and Inclusive Education: Exploring the Manufacture of Inability, London: Routledge, 2017, p. 145. 78 Evening Standard, 1.10.2012. 79 Justin Gest, The New Minority: White Working-class Politics in an Era of Immigration and Inequality, Oxford

in The “desegregation” of English schools
Jon Lawrence

week from £163 to £36. Wives please note!’ He also gave the nationalisation scare a distinctly economistic twist by claiming, ‘No-one has denied that the Socialists would reduce production in Vauxhall’s, Electrolux … with lower take-home pay.’74 No one needed to tell him that ‘instrumentalism’ lay at the heart of new working-class politics, though it could do nothing to save him from defeat in the face of his opponents’ excoriating critique of government complacency, neglect and economic failure. Liberals and the demonising of class Although Luton had been Liberal in

in The art of the possible
Abstract only
Jokes, racism and Black and Asian voices in British comedy television
Gavin Schaffer

. Stedman, ‘Working class culture and working class politics in London: Sport, Politics and the Working Class: 1870–1900; notes on the remaking of a working class’, Journal of Social History, 7 (1974), p. 237. 14 Bailey, Peter, Popular Culture and Performance in the Victorian City (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 149. 15 Malik, Representing Black Britain, pp. 100–3. Framing The Fosters 193 16 For analysis see Schaffer, Gavin, ‘Till Death Us Do Part and the BBC: Racial Politics and the British Working Classes 1965–75’, Journal of Contemporary History, 45:4 (2010

in Adjusting the contrast
Satnam Virdee

where they could shape and influence the direction of organised working-class politics, not just in the workplace, but also beyond. From Rock Against Racism to Grunwick Significantly, this layer of socialist activists that came to prominence in the early 1970s were on the whole more conscious of the dangers of racism undermining working-class solidarity and more willing to challenge it than socialist activists in previous waves of working-class insurgency in British history. Principally, the difference in position towards racism arose because this New Left, the ‘class

in Against the grain
Philip Gillett

-Class Life with Special Reference to Publications and Entertainments (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1958), pp. 26 and 31; Gareth Stedman Jones, ‘Working-class culture and working-class politics in London 1870–1900: notes on the remaking of the working class’, Journal of Social History, 7:4 (1974), 460–508; Bernard Waites, ‘Popular culture in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Lancashire’, in Open

in The British working class in postwar film
Irish craftsmen and British radicalism, 1803–20
Timothy Murtagh

disreputable tavern culture of groups like the Spenceans. By the 1830s, a new culture of unionism was slowly coming to supplant Painite and Spencean outlooks in favour of an ideology based on class distinctions.71 It has been argued that the Irish found themselves alienated from this new type of working-class politics for several reasons. Most important was the changing profile of Irish migration to Britain. This period witnessed the near-destruction of small manufacturing in Munster and the southern counties of Leinster as a series of industrial recessions in 1817–19, 1822

in The Cato Street Conspiracy
City Fun and the politics of post-punk
David Wilkinson

– and of postmodern identity politics as being in part a ‘properly interminable series of neighbourhood issues … invested with something of Nietzsche’s social Darwinism’, at risk of ‘disintegrating into the more obscene consumerist pluralisms’ of the dominant culture.82 On this front, City Fun also homed in on the broad left culture of which it was a part. At a time when sections of the British left were retreating from a previously held faith in the centrality of working-class politics, the zine elaborated a nuanced and comical critique of this tendency. Its

in Ripped, torn and cut
‘Crisis music’ and political ephemera in the emergent ‘structure of feeling’, 1976–83
Herbert Pimlott

class has been absent except when defined negatively. ‘Class, which was once principally defined by gender and occupation, is now largely defined by lack of employment, social marginalisation and even criminalisation’.79 This has been the consequence of the ‘cultural’ impact of the processes of neoliberalism and the fragmentation of an identity that had been built around work over generations via the defeat of working-class political, economic and -282- When the punks go marching in cultural organisations (e.g. ‘Old Labour’; Communist Party; trade unions; FWWCP

in Fight back