Search results

You are looking at 81 - 90 of 243 items for :

  • Catholic women religious x
Clear All

of religious social capital. Gort’s Brazilian community consisted of Pentecostals, Mormons and Catholics. The Pentecostal congregation, Assembléia de Deus, set up a church in the area and was responsible for the annual summer carnival; it catered for ‘approximately 150 attendees on any given night’. The Brazilian Catholic community was ministered to by a Limerick-based priest who had worked for twenty years in Brazil; he said mass in Portuguese every Sunday in the local Catholic church. Both supplied spiritual, emotional and concrete support to their members. The

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland

-national was seen in the area wearing a Celtic football top’ and the News Letter that the attack was ‘believed to have been started because a Polish immigrant couple were wearing Glasgow Celtic shirts in a Protestant area’.6 In Northern Ireland the Celtic football top is commonly used to proclaim the wearer’s political identity as Irish Nationalist and/or their religion as Catholic. So the attack on the Polish Differentiating racism and sectarianism 23 family is an example of people being targeted through, as Geoghegan puts it, a process in ‘which ideas about religious

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism

ever to live there. It suggests a clear desire to leave the Irish milieu. Even so, previous time spent in Stafford’s lodging houses and amongst the other Famine immigrants did provide opportunities to meet potential marriage partners. This was particularly true for daughters, since eligible women were a minority amongst Stafford’s Irish immigrants in the 1850s. In 1861 single or widowed Irish men aged over sixteen outnumbered women by over three to one. Three of William Coleman’s daughters married Irish Catholics at this time, and each partnership produced

in Divergent paths
Open Access (free)
A reminder from the present

the successive standoffs at Drumcree and the loyalist blockade of the Holy Cross girls’ school, there is no place within the new administrative order within which an accommodationist middle ground can develop. It is not surprising, given the existence of a political system which undermines the power of appeals to cross-community sentiment, that parties such as the Women’s Coalition and Alliance have seen their fortunes slump in recent elections. Devolution and the delivery of the BA have not aided the development of a centrist political culture but rather have

in The end of Irish history?

schools such as those run by the Educate Together movement. Thirdly, there are Gaelscoileanna, which teach through the Irish language and tend to be run as voluntary organisations. Finally, there are a small number of private preparatory schools. A national primary school curriculum is taught in all schools, while the religious curriculum remains largely in the competence of churches. Today, the overwhelming majority of primary schools – around 90 per cent – are Roman Catholic.3 The same pattern is evident to a different degree at post-primary or second level. The

in Integration in Ireland
The challenge of Northern Ireland

-nationalism. The exclusively Protestant Orange Order was given exaggerated official prominence – including a public holiday – giving institutional expression to a visible ‘Protestant unionist community’ dissolving differences of denomination, urban and rural setting and class, while emphasising divisions between Protestants as a group from Catholics on both religious and political lines. The fusing of Orangeism and its principles of the Protestant state with political legitimacy in Northern Ireland, the structuring of social and ritual life by the Protestant/Catholic divide and

in Tolerance and diversity in Ireland, North and South

represented in both national locations. Nine per cent of the women in Ireland and 3 per cent of those in London came from non-Catholic, mainly Protestant backgrounds. Forty-nine per cent of the England-based cohort and 64 per cent of M&H 02_Tonra 01 08/04/2014 07:14 Page 51 Thinking through Transnational Studies, Diaspora Studies and gender 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 those based in Ireland identified themselves as Catholic. Based on their current occupation I estimate that 60 per cent of the sample was middle class. No black or Jewish women were included in

in Women and Irish diaspora identities

revivalist path stress the freedom that their religion gives them. They compare their position to that of their mothers, who are often restrained by Bengali cultural mores that give little importance to women’s education and restrict their movements outside the home. In fact they may use their new-found Islamic knowledge to demonstrate to their parents that such restrictions have no basis in religious law. While they would not dispute that ‘the husband has been given the position of head of the family’,76 they explain that men and women are equal in importance but have

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
The structure of Islamic toleration

limits: the intellectual biography of Mary Douglas, for instance, gives careful attention to her upbringing as a ‘cradle Catholic’ and to the Catholic elements in the work of her mentor Evans-Pritchard (Fardon 1999 ). *** Religious toleration is a topic addressed by several anthropologists, especially in the contexts of insular South East Asia (Geertz

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times

negative connotation in much of the non-Muslim world, even among the generally well informed. Certainly during the Afghan conflict of the 1980s and the Balkan conflict of the early 1990s, a number of Islamic charities, especially those deriving from the petrodollar states, engaged in activities that pursued a mixture of humanitarian, religious, political and sometimes military aims. It

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times