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The southern African settler diaspora after decolonisation

Zimbabwe), and subsequently migrated to South Africa and later to the UK. His movements loosely followed the progress of decolonisation, from Zambian independence in 1964 to majority rule in South Africa in 1994. His account illustrates this complicated trajectory of migration, corresponding changes in his perception of his own identity and the resulting sense of not really

in Cultures of decolonisation
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The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies

transsexual’s birth certificate in 2002 (Goodwin v. UK) and in 2003, forced the Austrian government to grant same-sex cohabitants the same legal benefits it bestows upon nonmarried, different-sex cohabitants (Karner v. Austria). The EU, for its part, followed up on a decade of non-binding recommendations by the European Parliament (EP) and enshrined a prohibition against sexual-orientation discrimination in its Amsterdam Treaty in 1997. With the exception of the Karner v. Austria ruling in 2003, none of these policies or rulings mandated that member states enact an SSU law

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies

meeting ground for Africans and West Indians. 18 Ivar Holmes, a visiting Norwegian, would later recall a wonderful evening of conversation with them over beer and whisky, talking about Comintern policy. That was the night Holmes met Padmore for the first time, at an Indian political congress, when criticism of Comintern acceptance of Italy’s assault on Ethiopia was rife. The communists tried to defend the policy

in Ending British rule in Africa
Open Access (free)

. Macmillan had made this in reference to how Britain would run the Allied Headquarters in Africa during the Second World War. When prime minister he made similar remarks to his foreign secretary, Selwyn Lloyd.66 Tony Blair – British prime minister, 1997–2007 – less eloquently noted that close US–UK relations gave Britain ‘immediate purchase’ and a ‘huge position’ in influencing the course of US foreign policy.67 From both of these assessments it is implied that Britain would be able to utilise its network of global bases and its well-practised diplomacy, coupled with its

in A strained partnership?
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in the Mediterranean as a consequence of Fortress Europe immigration controls.4 In the UK tens of thousands of migrants are interned in immigration detention and removal centres every year (in 2015 alone there were more than 30,000 human souls incarcerated), these detainees are almost exclusively from Africa, Asia and the Middle East.5 This disjuncture – between the institutionalising of anti-racist policies and the continuing oppression of racialised minorities – is a crucial dimension of the crisis of anti-racism. The issues that confront anti-racists have also

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism
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of State for International Development, recalls that ‘when we were in opposition, he never to my knowledge ever expressed a view on anything to do with foreign policy’.2 Indeed, prior to taking office, BLAIR’S WARS 3 Blair, with a modernizing domestic agenda, had expressed a desire to spend as little time as possible on the ‘outside world’.3 General Charles Guthrie, who as Chief of the Defence Staff from 1997–2001 was the most senior military officer in the UK, recalls that there was a concern about Blair’s national security credentials prior to his election

in The Blair identity

came to be tied to the indirect system of rule and development ‘along native lines’ policy that was adopted by various colonial administrations. 1 The introduction of colonial development policies from the late 1920s, particularly the Colonial Development and Welfare Act (CDWA) of 1940 which had a welfare component, is said to have had a beneficial impact on education in Africa

in Developing Africa

not only legitimised Lewis’s main concepts but represented Shell in an almost philanthropic role. While such colonial policy was affirmed in Shell’s British advertising, its images in West Africa , a magazine that was distributed amongst both expatriates and the African middle classes and emerging elites on the African continent, were more appropriately liberal. In West Africa images of African men

in Imperial persuaders

Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kaunda introduced the philosophy of ‘humanism’ to the people of Zambia (Simutanyi, 2006 ). Zambia thus became part of a group of newly independent African states that followed a broadly socialist agenda, contrasting with the alternative capitalist policies adopted in countries such as Kenya and Senegal (Nugent, 2004 ). In terms of social policy, Kaunda's humanist socialism sought to rectify some of the

in Localizing global sport for development
The 1980 Moscow boycott through contemporary Asian–African perspectives

national boycotts of some nations in Asia and Africa. However, the boycott overshadowed other American foreign policy objectives as the human rights-conscious Carter administration settled for Olympic non-participation as the measure of successful diplomacy. Indonesia’s boycott and the non-aligned movement Indonesia’s role in the 1980 Olympic boycott was especially symbolic, not for Indonesia’s role in international sport (Indonesia did not win an Olympic medal until 1988), but as a continuation of the nation’s historical commitment to the nonaligned movement and

in Sport and diplomacy