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contested despite the shift in the academic literature away from classifications of identity politics as constituting a unifying dominant identity to one which views identity politics as more fluid and plural (Heyes, 2012). Foucault was critical of the usage of identity categories and according to Zaretsky (1994: 211) can be labelled as ‘a theorist of non-identity’. According to Foucault identity categories were socially constructed concepts created ‘through invisible power centres’ (Melucci, 1999), which can become exclusionary, disempowering, normative and reified

in The politics of old age

insists that the spaces of politics, who may contest them, and who may, and may not, speak and act within them, are necessarily contingent. The question of identity thus cannot be divorced from the constitution of a particular social order. Power does not represent relations between pre-existing identities, but rather is constitutive of the identities themselves (Mouffe, 2000 : 13–14; see also Campbell, 1998b ; Laclau and Mouffe, 2001 ). In terms of politics, it is clear through the functioning of Prevent that certain

in Counter-radicalisation policy and the securing of British identity
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A Grenadian ‘Miss World’, 1970

­ mented with in the London Carnival and ‘Carnival Queen’ contest. However, while Jones’s intervention in Caribbean beauty had import­ ant legacies for affirming inclusive African Diaspora identities and black womanhood, her radical experiment with the format of the beauty contest itself had little impact on the mainstream of competitive staged beauty. The mythology set in motion by the institutionalisation of brown middle-class beauty as national motif in the Caribbean created an enduring and serviceable formula. In 1970 the second ever Caribbean woman to win the ‘Miss

in Imagining Caribbean womanhood
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Englishness, ‘race’ and ethnic identities

(DCLG, 2007a ; Thomas, 2009 ), a ‘hearts and minds’ approach aimed explicitly at young Muslims within the wider ‘CONTEST’ counter-terrorism strategy. These developments suggest that there is a profound problem with ‘British’ identity amongst young Muslims: that they are not British enough, and that, furthermore, a significant proportion of young Muslims are actively hostile to

in These Englands
The role of constitutions in Fijian national identity

2 Co-constituting Fijian identity: the role of constitutions in Fijian national identity Christopher Mudaliar Identity is often assumed to be something that can be possessed and retained by actors, rather than contestable and multiple. Rather than possessing an ‘innateness’, identity can be contingent upon a range of inter-subjective meanings that are generated by social interaction (Howarth 2005). These social interactions generally rely upon and are expressed mainly through language and other forms of communication (Mead 1982). This situates identity as a

in The politics of identity

-alignment (Agius 2006; Bergman Rosamond 2015) – have loosened over the last few decades. Subsequently, the dominance of social democratic ideology and norms of collective identity have become contested. In this chapter we explore the intersection between collective identity and memory, in particular how new 160 Contesting identity memories are created that permit and normalise new forms of military intervention. Sweden represents a complex case for thinking through how states construct memories. Where many nations construct their identities, collective memories and self

in The politics of identity
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abstract, level is politically meaningless without contemporary interpretation. The power of national identity derives from its existence at the nexus of all three levels. It is constituted by the first, contextualised and mobilised by the second, and embedded by the third. This is a constant process of contestation, without an end point, in which social practices in the everyday inform revisions at the levels of abstraction above. With regards to Croatia, I argue that at the most abstract level Croatian national identity is constituted by the narrative of historical

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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in terms of a dispute over two contested national identities, unionism versus nationalism, and it is these two differing interpretations of ethnonational identity which lie at the heart of the present conflict. The results presented here show that the conflict is not totally bipolar. Among those who see themselves as British, a significant minority do not describe

in Conflict to peace

appointed resident clergy. But in 1860 many Upper Canadian churchgoers had still not embraced the kind of rigid denominational identities that we associate with modern religion. 12 Methodists and Presbyterians can be found among the pew holders of the church at Fredericksburg near Kingston in 1859, while a Presbyterian and a Wesleyan sat on the vestry at nearby Bath in 1861. 13 Clergy at the Cape

in An Anglican British World
Chaucer, Spenser and Luke Shepherd’s ‘New Poet’

, committed ‘to a humanist tradition of public service’, by drawing on the desire of, for example, John Leland, ‘to recover a native literary tradition’. 51 Old Chaucer had been made new by the renovating ardour of Protestant reform, and as his heir, the ‘new Poete’ represented the epitome of vernacular Protestant Englishness. In addition to a newly created Protestant identity, or humanist educative programme, though, ‘novelty’ and its cognates as readily connoted an opposing set of ideas. The sixteenth-century sees the emergence

in Rereading Chaucer and Spenser