and its social and economic development of colonial
‘character’; and how racial ideology and discourses of power fostered a
‘seafaring race’ theory, 4 influencing naval recruitment,
strategy and management, and affecting imperial sentiment, ethnic
relations, colonial identities, customs and order.
It is commonly acknowledged that naval history has been
relatively late in engaging with the cultural
, Studies in Church History, (Oxford:
Ecclesiastical History Society, 1990), pp. 453–65 (p. 457). Susan O’Brien has
noted that in 1870, about half of the 200 unenclosed and partially enclosed
convents in England included lay sisters.
Nineteenth-century boundaries of religious life diverged from the
narrowly constructed parameters of religious life in early modern England.
Catholic daughters of the aristocracy and gentry entered solemn-vowed,
enclosed orders in England, and, after the Reformation, on the continent.8 As
choir sisters, they were
questions to the social networking site Facebook
as the starting point of this chapter.
Facebook was founded in the United States in 2004 as a
network for Harvard University students to share ‘social’ information.
In 2005, the network was open to other US educational institutions,
corporate professionals and in the following year was made public. 12 Checking social
networking sites has now become part of
Offline and online games, branding and humanitarianism at the Roskilde
Lene Bull Christiansen and Mette Fog Olwig
causes and commercial interests,
e.g. via corporate social responsibility (CSR), cause-branded products
or philanthropy. 2
Critiques of the popular characteristically draw on various theoretical
and analytical approaches, such as critical discourse analysis, Žižekian
ideological critique and/or grounded critical analytics. 3 These analyses often
echo critical approaches to popular culture in media
about artifice and authenticity in the
novel, which is closely connected to notions of personal and
national identity is, then, not simply a matter of philosophic
speculation or advanced technology, but arises out of the economic
operations of capitalism. Or so a Marxist would say. Barnes, though,
is no Marxist. For him, corporate power is a matter of individual
James Walvin32 have studied the rise of football
and the formation of football supporters’ identities since the early
era of contemporary sport. Some of their explanations might still be
pertinent for many of today’s features of partisanship. Shifting the
emphasis to place rather than time, geographers have insisted on
the links between territory and support for a team. John Bale, for
instance, has provided a comprehensive theory on how a ground
(and its location) can shape football’s partisanship. Similarly, the
importance of local and national context in the
sociological reality: we have a population that is increasingly diversified and heterogeneous, but
highly polarised and focused on the insider/outsider opposition, due, in part, to
what may be called a conflictive management of local identities. Villages are increasingly relationship networks, i.e. something built and permanently renovated. In the
minds of their traditional dwellers and some of the newcomers, the corporative
vision has primacy. This way of thinking comes out strongly at election times, but
is also expressed in the management of sociability and of community
the Race Equality Forum to draft the 2015 Racial Equality Strategy; during a time when reflection on ‘good relations’, identity and integration was of high political importance in the Province.
Since the end of the violent conflict referred to colloquially as ‘The Troubles’, Northern Ireland has seen a significant increase in the number of immigrants and ethnic minorities. This demographic change brings with it the need to re-examine aspects of social welfare policy development and service provision, and thus necessitates a deeper
Late twentieth-century British emigration and global identities – the end of the ‘British World’?
A. James Hammerton
should be noted that
these ‘Thatcher refugees’ were also economic migrants,
especially in the early 1980s when unemployment surpassed three million.
But ideological hostility could also pave the way for lasting antagonism
to Britain and thus stimulate a more mobile future and shifts in
identity which might loosen commitment to a British attachment. It was
-hop?’ (Condry 2007 : 638). This could equally be asked in south-east Europe. Ian Condry, drawing on Cornel West's ‘new cultural politics of difference’ (West 1990 : 35 in Condry 2007 : 639) to explain why some rappers questioned the homogeneity of Japanese ethnonational identity while corporate pressures encouraged others either to fetishise visible signifiers of blackness or de-emphasise hip-hop's black origins, called for ‘a transnational cultural politics of race’ without essentialising either one single African-American identity or one homogenous local/Japanese one