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From CND in the 1950s and 1960s to END in the 1980s

9 Thompson and the peace movement: from CND in the 1950s and 1960s to END in the 1980s Richard Taylor Introduction Throughout his adult life Edward Thompson campaigned for peace. Unlike the absolute pacifists, however, Thompson always believed that the attainment of peace was necessarily and integrally connected to radical political objectives. Similarly, in contrast to most orthodox Marxists – and certainly to the Marxist–Leninist ideologues of the Communist Party – Thompson did not believe that ‘campaigning for peace’ should be subordinate to class conflict

in E. P. Thompson and English radicalism
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Democratising foreign policy between the wars

rank foreign affairs and home affairs in order of importance, only 12% of Fulham inhabitants prioritised the former and one in five felt wholly incapable of answering the question.5 In ‘Worktown’ (M-O’s codename for the northern industrial town of Bolton), the proportion of everyday conversation related to politics peaked at a mere 6% following Hitler’s march into Austria, before slumping back to the 0.3% average recorded on a typical day.6 Around the same time, that other much-cited barometer of interwar society, George Orwell, remarked upon how ‘the huge

in The British people and the League of Nations
Revolution and party

political community through consent.34 If the executive acted in an illegitimate manner it broke its (original) contract with the people, whose consent could be withdrawn and the government resisted.35 Reaction to ­Patriarcha fed into a larger opposition to the crown’s apparent augmentation of its powers. Works such as Henry Neville’s Plato Redivivus (1680) reiterated Shaftesbury and Marvell’s contention that the (ancient) constitution, the nobility and the liberty of the people were being destabilised by the ­behaviour of the crown.36 The Mansfield_Ideas_Printer.indd 19

in Ideas of monarchical reform
A study in language politics

ammiyya – the ‘common’ language of the masses – meaning in forms of Arabic that were regionally and socially variable and that closely resembled what people spoke. (Note that English-speaking academics tend to translate ʿ ammiyya as ‘colloquial’, and refer to its forms as ‘dialects’.) The choice of the BFBS to translate and publish in colloquial Arabic had political implications. By undermining the primacy of literary Arabic during an age of incipient anti-colonial Arab

in Chosen peoples

Boulainvilliers It was probably via his second wife, Madame de Villette, that Bolingbroke became acquainted with Boulainvilliers, the aristocratic historian and political writer, who was apparently an old friend of hers.3 Bolingbroke certainly seems to have come to know Boulainvilliers early in his stay in France. In a letter to his friend the abbé Alary, dated 2 February 1718, he referred to Boulainvilliers in a way that suggests he was a mutual friend.4 Dennis Fletcher, who carried out a detailed study of Bolingbroke’s relations with France, insisted that there could be

in The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France
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absence of American political will at executive level to intervene with the British government on their behalf, as a test of their ‘special’ relationship. More often than not, it did not materialise. Nevertheless, nationalists’ hope for American salvation was sustained by their belief in the presence of substantial interest in some quarters of the executive and in the power of the ‘Irish vote’. As representatives of official America in Ireland, the consuls’ role, therefore, was to deal with the consequences when unofficial America responded to the call for intervention

in American government in Ireland, 1790–1913

, who was appointed in the early 1980s: as David Richardson remembers, he ‘combined infinite patience, strong left-wing conviction and sound business sense, and became a much respected and valued confidant to successive Union executives’. Two issues, however, did prove both delicate and controversial. The new arrangements imposed on the University itself a duty to ensure that the Union observed charity law and did not use public money for purposes not relevant to the well being of students, including political campaigns and demonstrations. ‘I do not see it as the role

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Preventing pregnancy

Anderson, 14 April 1950, Records of Belfast Mothers’ Welfare Clinic/NIFPA, SA/FPA/A13/2, CMAC. Ibid. BWWC Annual General Meeting, 22 October 1962, Records of the BWWC, D/3691/1, PRONI. Executive Meeting NIFPA, 23 September 1971, Records of NIFPA, D/3543/2/2, PRONI. Yvonne Galligan, Women and Politics in Contemporary Ireland: From the Margins to the Mainstream (London, 1998), pp. 142–161. See for example Fisher, ‘“Clearing up the Misconceptions”’, 123 and Grier, ‘Eugenics and Birth Control’, 447. Hill, Women in Ireland, pp. 177–179. Joyce Neill, ‘A Family Planning Service

in Regulating sexuality
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-scale public housing programme beginning in the early 1950s. Consultation with the Executive and Legislative Councils was a means of coopting Chinese elites, allowing what Ambrose King has called the ‘administrative absorption of politics’, and was generally practiced. 12 It is worth noting, though, as S. S. Hsueh explained in dead-pan language in his 1962 primer on the Hong Kong Government, that the

in Hong Kong and British culture, 1945–97

decades a growing number of voices have been raised against this assumption.2 Even formerly vocal advocates of the secularization thesis such as Peter L. Berger have revisited their previous work and revised their opinions on the relationship between modern society and religious ideas or institutions.3 This chapter looks at how a number of religious figures negotiated the relationship between politics and religion in nineteenth-century Spain – a time when the country was taking its first steps towards political modernity. When historical evidence is seriously considered

in Spain in the nineteenth century