Social and Political Union, 1903–1914 (London: Routledge, 1974), p. 8.
Eva Gore Booth: An image of such politics
39 Englishwoman’s Review (15 January 1897), p. 18.
40 International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, Estelle Sylvia
Pankhurst Papers, 322 (1 folder), minute book of the executive
committee of the Women’s Franchise League, 20 January 1896 to 8
41 Cited in Elizabeth Crawford, The Women’s Suffrage Movement: A Reference
Guide 1866–1928, (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 756.
42 Ibid, p. 648.
44 University of
From CND in the 1950s and 1960s to END in the 1980s
Thompson and the peace movement:
from CND in the 1950s and 1960s to
END in the 1980s
Throughout his adult life Edward Thompson campaigned for peace.
Unlike the absolute pacifists, however, Thompson always believed
that the attainment of peace was necessarily and integrally connected
to radical political objectives. Similarly, in contrast to most orthodox
Marxists – and certainly to the Marxist–Leninist ideologues of the
Communist Party – Thompson did not believe that ‘campaigning for
peace’ should be subordinate to class conflict
rank foreign affairs and home affairs in order of importance, only 12% of
Fulham inhabitants prioritised the former and one in five felt wholly incapable of answering the question.5 In ‘Worktown’ (M-O’s codename for the
northern industrial town of Bolton), the proportion of everyday conversation
related to politics peaked at a mere 6% following Hitler’s march into Austria,
before slumping back to the 0.3% average recorded on a typical day.6 Around
the same time, that other much-cited barometer of interwar society, George
Orwell, remarked upon how ‘the huge
institutions in Munich, called for independent women’s councils with a central executive. 22
No overall picture of women’s participation in the councils emerges. Much depended on the political composition of the council and the nature of the revolution in the city. In general, it was to be women who had been politically active before or during the war who were chosen or elected to serve, if only for a short time. Grebing claims that women on the councils worked in areas responsible for food supplies, housing, education and welfare. 23 In Frankfurt, Toni Sender served as
political community through consent.34 If the executive
acted in an illegitimate manner it broke its (original) contract with the people,
whose consent could be withdrawn and the government resisted.35 Reaction to
Patriarcha fed into a larger opposition to the crown’s apparent augmentation of its
powers. Works such as Henry Neville’s Plato Redivivus (1680) reiterated Shaftesbury and Marvell’s contention that the (ancient) constitution, the nobility and the
liberty of the people were being destabilised by the behaviour of the crown.36 The
ammiyya – the ‘common’ language of the masses – meaning in forms of Arabic that were regionally and socially variable and that closely resembled what people spoke. (Note that English-speaking academics tend to translate
ammiyya as ‘colloquial’, and refer to its forms as ‘dialects’.)
The choice of the BFBS to translate and publish in colloquial Arabic had political implications. By undermining the primacy of literary Arabic during an age of incipient anti-colonial Arab
It was probably via his second wife, Madame de Villette, that Bolingbroke
became acquainted with Boulainvilliers, the aristocratic historian and political
writer, who was apparently an old friend of hers.3 Bolingbroke certainly seems
to have come to know Boulainvilliers early in his stay in France. In a letter to his
friend the abbé Alary, dated 2 February 1718, he referred to Boulainvilliers in a
way that suggests he was a mutual friend.4 Dennis Fletcher, who carried out a
detailed study of Bolingbroke’s relations with France, insisted that there could
absence of American political will at executive
level to intervene with the British government on their behalf, as a test
of their ‘special’ relationship. More often than not, it did not materialise.
Nevertheless, nationalists’ hope for American salvation was sustained
by their belief in the presence of substantial interest in some quarters
of the executive and in the power of the ‘Irish vote’. As representatives
of official America in Ireland, the consuls’ role, therefore, was to deal
with the consequences when unofficial America responded to the call
who was appointed in the early 1980s: as David Richardson remembers, he ‘combined infinite patience, strong left-wing conviction and
sound business sense, and became a much respected and valued confidant to successive Union executives’.
Two issues, however, did prove both delicate and controversial. The
new arrangements imposed on the University itself a duty to ensure
that the Union observed charity law and did not use public money for
purposes not relevant to the well being of students, including political
campaigns and demonstrations. ‘I do not see it as the role
Anderson, 14 April 1950, Records of Belfast
Mothers’ Welfare Clinic/NIFPA, SA/FPA/A13/2, CMAC.
BWWC Annual General Meeting, 22 October 1962, Records of the BWWC,
Executive Meeting NIFPA, 23 September 1971, Records of NIFPA,
Yvonne Galligan, Women and Politics in Contemporary Ireland: From the
Margins to the Mainstream (London, 1998), pp. 142–161.
See for example Fisher, ‘“Clearing up the Misconceptions”’, 123 and Grier,
‘Eugenics and Birth Control’, 447.
Hill, Women in Ireland, pp. 177–179.
Joyce Neill, ‘A Family Planning Service