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A new pedagogy for a new politics
Adrian O’Connor

3 Public instruction: a new pedagogy for a new politics For a young people to be able to relish sound principles of political theory and follow the fundamental rules of statecraft, the effect would have to become the cause; the social spirit, which should be created by … institutions, would have to preside over their very foundation; and men would have to be before law what they should become by means of law. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract1 Before it was overthrown, the French monarchy collapsed. Bankrupt, the government of Louis XVI was forced to

in In pursuit of politics
Liberal women and regional perspectives
Megan Smitley

describing women’s status under the law. In 1900, the SWLF Executive distributed 3,000 copies of ‘Women’s Franchise and Local Government (Scotland)’ and 5,000 copies of ‘School Board Elections’ to the local WLAs for dissemination in the regions.43 Similarly, following the passage of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1894 the SWLF published a supplementary leaflet on the new position of women in local politics to complement the pamphlet produced by the (men’s) Scottish Liberal Association.44 In this way evidence from the   119   Smitley_01_All.indd 119 12/07/2009 15

in The feminine public sphere
Finding a sustainable future in the neo-liberal university
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

188 10 ‘In the climate of continuing financial restraint’: Finding a sustainable future in the neo-​liberal university The election of Ronald Reagan as US president in 1980 heralded the arrival of a new era for the Fulbright Program. Policies profoundly opposed to government intervention were to transform the relationship of public institutions and programs to their sources  of funding and the political support of their programs.1 Free market economics promising increased wealth brought major cutbacks in government spending across the board. Public

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
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Meeting Esther Roper
Sonja Tiernan

the Women’s Social and Political Union, 1903–1914 (London: Routledge, 1974), p. 8. 44 Eva Gore Booth: An image of such politics 39 Englishwoman’s Review (15 January 1897), p. 18. 40 International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst Papers, 322 (1 folder), minute book of the executive committee of the Women’s Franchise League, 20 January 1896 to 8 April 1987. 41 Cited in Elizabeth Crawford, The Women’s Suffrage Movement: A Reference Guide 1866–1928, (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 756. 42 Ibid, p. 648. 43 Ibid. 44 University of

in Eva Gore-Booth
From CND in the 1950s and 1960s to END in the 1980s
Richard Taylor

9 Thompson and the peace movement: from CND in the 1950s and 1960s to END in the 1980s Richard Taylor Introduction Throughout his adult life Edward Thompson campaigned for peace. Unlike the absolute pacifists, however, Thompson always believed that the attainment of peace was necessarily and integrally connected to radical political objectives. Similarly, in contrast to most orthodox Marxists – and certainly to the Marxist–Leninist ideologues of the Communist Party – Thompson did not believe that ‘campaigning for peace’ should be subordinate to class conflict

in E. P. Thompson and English radicalism
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Democratising foreign policy between the wars
Helen McCarthy

rank foreign affairs and home affairs in order of importance, only 12% of Fulham inhabitants prioritised the former and one in five felt wholly incapable of answering the question.5 In ‘Worktown’ (M-O’s codename for the northern industrial town of Bolton), the proportion of everyday conversation related to politics peaked at a mere 6% following Hitler’s march into Austria, before slumping back to the 0.3% average recorded on a typical day.6 Around the same time, that other much-cited barometer of interwar society, George Orwell, remarked upon how ‘the huge

in The British people and the League of Nations
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Helen Boak

institutions in Munich, called for independent women’s councils with a central executive. 22 No overall picture of women’s participation in the councils emerges. Much depended on the political composition of the council and the nature of the revolution in the city. In general, it was to be women who had been politically active before or during the war who were chosen or elected to serve, if only for a short time. Grebing claims that women on the councils worked in areas responsible for food supplies, housing, education and welfare. 23 In Frankfurt, Toni Sender served as

in Women in the Weimar Republic
Revolution and party
Andrew Mansfield

political community through consent.34 If the executive acted in an illegitimate manner it broke its (original) contract with the people, whose consent could be withdrawn and the government resisted.35 Reaction to ­Patriarcha fed into a larger opposition to the crown’s apparent augmentation of its powers. Works such as Henry Neville’s Plato Redivivus (1680) reiterated Shaftesbury and Marvell’s contention that the (ancient) constitution, the nobility and the liberty of the people were being destabilised by the ­behaviour of the crown.36 The Mansfield_Ideas_Printer.indd 19

in Ideas of monarchical reform
Rachel Hammersley

Boulainvilliers It was probably via his second wife, Madame de Villette, that Bolingbroke became acquainted with Boulainvilliers, the aristocratic historian and political writer, who was apparently an old friend of hers.3 Bolingbroke certainly seems to have come to know Boulainvilliers early in his stay in France. In a letter to his friend the abbé Alary, dated 2 February 1718, he referred to Boulainvilliers in a way that suggests he was a mutual friend.4 Dennis Fletcher, who carried out a detailed study of Bolingbroke’s relations with France, insisted that there could be

in The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France
A study in language politics
Heather J. Sharkey

ammiyya – the ‘common’ language of the masses – meaning in forms of Arabic that were regionally and socially variable and that closely resembled what people spoke. (Note that English-speaking academics tend to translate ʿ ammiyya as ‘colloquial’, and refer to its forms as ‘dialects’.) The choice of the BFBS to translate and publish in colloquial Arabic had political implications. By undermining the primacy of literary Arabic during an age of incipient anti-colonial Arab

in Chosen peoples