causal interconnection between individual policy decisions in contrast to the coincidental but causally unconnected adoption of similar policies. Policy decisions in different countries can be connected through conceptually different causal mechanisms, generally differentiated as emulation, learning, and competition (Dolowitz and Marsh 2000 ; Simmons and Elkins 2004 ; Marsh and Sharman 2009 ; Gilardi 2012 ).
The analytical lens of interdependent policy decisions and mutual influence among foreign policy-makers can add a useful angle to
The seductions of Terror amid the tyranny of the human
. Butler 1999: 5–6).
True, Baudrillard did write a vicious critique of Foucault’s analytic of power,
titled suitably Forget Foucault (1987). However the apparent conflicts between
them disguise a more mutual concern with issues precisely of the intersections
of power, life, and strategy.
The early works of Baudrillard developed indeed a conception of the strategy
of power that is very close to that which we have identified with Foucault. For
Baudrillard, as for Foucault, what differentiates the strategies of liberal regimes
of power from other forms is their assumption
question considered political is necessarily the
product of a political judgement. Bourdieu differentiates three modes of
production of opinion (Bourdieu 1984, 417-18). The first depends on class ethos,
which enables the opinion provider to formulate coherent, common-sense
answers that follow the logic of everyday existence. Political principles, 'slant' or
logos provide the grounding for the second mode of production of political
opinion. Both first and second modes are amenable to logical control and
Democracy, social resources and political power in the European
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher
conﬂicting interests of its citizen in a non-violent way on a day-to-day
basis. The USSR performed poorly on the level of oﬃcial procedures and delegated a good part of those functions to informal institutions; the legitimate
monopoly of violence, on the other hand, was functional and undisputed.
The agony into which the Soviet state was sliding was a combination of
lacking oﬃcial institutions to deal with publicly ethnicised conﬂict in a sovereign and calm manner and at the same time (from ignorance, arrogance or
outright panic on the part of the central decision makers
emerging differentiation in the manner in which non-EU
Europe was to be treated.
The first initiative built on, but effectively
superseded, the1988 EC–CMEA Declaration. Between September 1988
and October 1990 the Community concluded Trade and Cooperation
Agreements (TCAs) with the six East European members of CMEA as well as
with the Soviet Union. In parallel, initiatives were pursued to extend
dependent sovereign states. Limited independence has been a constant
feature of many small states over time, to be sure. To identify states as such,
and in particular small states, the standard of a “functionally independent”28 unitary actor in the system is applied here. Recognizing the near
impossibility of small states being truly independent in the narrowest
sense of the word, statehood will be assumed here if a small state has
sufficient independence to function as its own unit in the states system.
Autonomy has considerable overlap with independence, so much so
Strategic considerations, tough
choices: how state preferences
influence campaign forms
ransnational advocacy campaigns come in a variety of forms and produce a variety of results. The purpose of this chapter is to enumerate some
of the reasons why, drawing on the case studies of the preceding chapters to
deduce some patterns or trends across issue areas in China. Given the prevalence of state preferences in the results and functional forms of campaigns
explored, it falls upon this chapter to also examine the character and origins
of those preferences
‘concentration of power’). He also pointed to
the equally threatening tendency of ‘syndicalism’ or trade unionism, described as ‘a
contrivance by means of which society is disposed for a perpetual civil war in which
the parties are the organised self-interest of functional minorities’ (Oakeshott 1991:
401). The effect of syndicalism would mean that ‘the community as a whole pays the
bill in monopoly prices and disorder’. Though Oakeshott argued that collectivism
and syndicalism were antithetical, the first requiring a strong state and the second
a weak state, Conservative
more important, resulting in the establishment of new concepts, such as socialization.
The variations in uncertainty and sociality of learning processes are summarized in table 9.1 . The columns capture the main protagonists and their respective approaches. These depictions of course are highly aggregated and should be further differentiated when used in empirical analysis as some of the concepts do overlap.
Table 9.1 Typology of selected learning approaches in PP: uncertainty and sociality
logic of differentiation, heterogeneity and flux not only
gives impetus to new struggles of emancipation, but, perversely, also defines a
new field of power and domination which these struggles must contend with.
We can say, broadly, that postmodern power operates increasingly through
localised and decentred points, is productive rather than purely repressive and
prohibitive, and constitutes a system of free-floating control and surveillance,
working in conjunction with the ‘old’ system of prohibition and law. Moreover,
it is a system of power which is made possible