Search results

You are looking at 81 - 90 of 160 items for :

  • middle-class x
  • Manchester International Relations x
Clear All
Carla Konta

collected answers from friends and fellow citizens. The final report by Columbia’s Bureau of Applied Social Research revealed that more than half Yugoslav VOA listeners came from urban areas and were predominantly male and middle class – mainly bank managers, government officials, students, writers, teachers, engineers, and judges. Eighty per cent of them were between 20 and 30 years old. This convinced USIA policymakers that the program was hitting the young target and driving them towards pro-Western world views. The Yugoslavs enjoyed listening to Voice of America very

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
Carla Konta

aspirations’ and proved to ‘the international Communist movement that Yugoslavia’ had not become an US ‘puppet.’ 9 But the IIA policymakers remained firm in their judgements: the communist regime, except for small groups of dissidents such as peasants and former aristocracy, had no serious political alternative, and its young middle class was mostly consentient to the regime. So even if the government failed in observing basic human rights, the IIA decided on a neutralist policy and focused its propaganda in ‘associating the United States […] with [favourable] trends in

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
Abstract only
(Ex)changes and drawbacks
Carla Konta

Senator Fulbright noted in his 1964 Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations , ‘the typical Yugoslav leader is an atypical man […] relatively young, well-educated and multilingual.’ 163 With more than two-thirds under the age of forty, the Yugoslav intelligentsia was predominantly urban and middle class (only one-third was of working class or peasant origin). 164 Higher incomes and fringe social benefits made it a privileged group, both economically and socially. As the backbone of the LCY, these future leaders were considered ready to take over the ‘Communist

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
From troubled pan-African media to sprawling Nollywood
Julia Gallagher and V. Y. Mudimbe

the company, which was now Multichoice Investment Holdings (MIH), MCL having been separated from M-Net. Having bought MIH from the other press groups, the MIH conglomerate, which now comprised Multichoice, M-Net and M-Web, became a wholly owned subsidiary of Naspers in 2001( Teer-Tomaselli, 2007 ). Fundamentally, Multichoice looked at Africa not necessarily as an ideological and political construct but as a market. Its ‘products’ were targeted at consumers – rather than Africans – mainly the burgeoning middle-class within the continent, but

in Images of Africa
Open Access (free)
Amikam Nachmani

countries of the world, with a point value of 0.778 (on a scale of zero to one). The index for southeastern Anatolia is as low as 0.585 points. And while the average number of Ankara students per class is seventy, and per teacher twenty-nine, it is eighty-six in the southeastern town of Sirnak. The value of per capita bank deposits in Turkey as a whole was 167 million Turkish lira (TL), i.e. 417.5 dollars (at the beginning of 1999). The figure for the southeast is as low as TL10 million (25 dollars). Some figures further illustrate the gap between Turkey’s west and east

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Mariusz Korzeniowski

.38 Among the refugees were workers who had not been evacuated eastwards along with the industrial plants. It is not easy to determine their number either, particularly because many among the workers and their families already lived and worked in Russia before the mass evacuation from the Kingdom of Poland and the part of Galicia occupied by the Russians.39 As indicated earlier, landowners, the middle class and the bourgeoisie also became refugees, forced by the aforementioned v 73 v Mariusz Korzeniowski ­ ecisions of the Russian authorities, the events of war and the

in Europe on the move
Stephen Emerson and Hussein Solomon

were being replaced by clashes over competing economic interests and in particular the competition over resources. From oil and natural gas competition in the Middle East and Asia, to the fight over water rights in the Middle East and Africa, to the struggle over controlling minerals and timber across the global south, “conflict over valuable resources—and the power and wealth they confer—has become an increasingly prominent feature of the global landscape,” wrote Michael Klare in 2002.6 Much of the underlying premise for this prediction is rooted in the global

in African security in the twenty-first century
Andrew Williams

and of minority appeal, even among the working classes. The liberal elites were therefore not only contributors to a debate, they were also, MUP/Williams/ch1 20 23/10/98, 11:25 am 21 The imagining of the Versailles NWO and far more than today, the creators of the background thinking for policy, and often policy makers themselves. In his famous work, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, E.H. Carr (who was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Peace Conference) makes a particular point of attacking the ‘intellectuals’ who supported the call for a change in the

in Failed imagination?
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

prior to entry. [See also: Amsterdam Treaty; Maastricht Treaty; Single European Act; Treaties of Rome; Treaty of Nice] Action Directe A French anarchist/Maoist terrorist group founded in 1979, Action Directe played an active role in European terrorist networks until it was neutralised by a police operation in 1988. It had links with the Basque separatist movement ETA and with Middle Eastern

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Ahmad H. Sa’di

which these opposite solutions would ostensibly be reconciled. To this end, Ben-Gurion summoned the ‘Arabists’ – those who had gained intimate knowledge of the Arabs through their work in various institutions and participated in the implementation of the Zionist policy – for consultations. Yaakov Shimoni of the Middle East department in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs argued that principally they should not be given political rights. However, three days earlier, he composed a memorandum in which he outlined three alternatives regarding the non-participation of

in Thorough surveillance