collected answers from friends and fellow citizens. The final report by Columbia’s Bureau of Applied Social Research revealed that more than half Yugoslav VOA listeners came from urban areas and were predominantly male and middleclass – mainly bank managers, government officials, students, writers, teachers, engineers, and judges. Eighty per cent of them were between 20 and 30 years old. This convinced USIA policymakers that the program was hitting the young target and driving them towards pro-Western world views. The Yugoslavs enjoyed listening to Voice of America very
aspirations’ and proved to ‘the international Communist movement that Yugoslavia’ had not become an US ‘puppet.’ 9 But the IIA policymakers remained firm in their judgements: the communist regime, except for small groups of dissidents such as peasants and former aristocracy, had no serious political alternative, and its young middleclass was mostly consentient to the regime. So even if the government failed in observing basic human rights, the IIA decided on a neutralist policy and focused its propaganda in ‘associating the United States […] with [favourable] trends in
Senator Fulbright noted in his 1964 Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations , ‘the typical Yugoslav leader is an atypical man […] relatively young, well-educated and multilingual.’ 163 With more than two-thirds under the age of forty, the Yugoslav intelligentsia was predominantly urban and middleclass (only one-third was of working class or peasant origin). 164 Higher incomes and fringe social benefits made it a privileged group, both economically and socially. As the backbone of the LCY, these future leaders were considered ready to take over the ‘Communist
From troubled pan-African media to sprawling Nollywood
Julia Gallagher and V. Y. Mudimbe
the company, which was now Multichoice Investment Holdings (MIH), MCL having been separated from M-Net. Having bought MIH from the other press groups, the MIH conglomerate, which now comprised Multichoice, M-Net and M-Web, became a wholly owned subsidiary of Naspers in 2001( Teer-Tomaselli, 2007 ).
Fundamentally, Multichoice looked at Africa not necessarily as an ideological and political construct but as a market. Its ‘products’ were targeted at consumers – rather than Africans – mainly the burgeoning middle-class within the continent, but
countries of the world, with a point value of 0.778 (on a scale of zero to one). The index for southeastern Anatolia is as low as 0.585 points. And while the average number of Ankara students per class is seventy, and per teacher twenty-nine, it is eighty-six in the southeastern town of Sirnak. The value of per capita bank deposits in Turkey as a whole was 167 million Turkish lira (TL), i.e. 417.5 dollars (at the beginning of 1999). The figure for the southeast is as low as TL10 million (25 dollars). Some figures further illustrate the gap between Turkey’s west and east
Among the refugees were workers who had not been evacuated eastwards along with the industrial plants. It is not easy to determine their
number either, particularly because many among the workers and their
families already lived and worked in Russia before the mass evacuation from the Kingdom of Poland and the part of Galicia occupied by
the Russians.39 As indicated earlier, landowners, the middleclass and
the bourgeoisie also became refugees, forced by the aforementioned
v 73 v
ecisions of the Russian authorities, the events of war and the
were being replaced by clashes
over competing economic interests and in particular the competition
over resources. From oil and natural gas competition in the Middle East
and Asia, to the fight over water rights in the Middle East and Africa,
to the struggle over controlling minerals and timber across the global
south, “conflict over valuable resources—and the power and wealth
they confer—has become an increasingly prominent feature of the global
landscape,” wrote Michael Klare in 2002.6
Much of the underlying premise for this prediction is rooted in the
and of minority appeal, even among the working classes. The
liberal elites were therefore not only contributors to a debate, they were also,
23/10/98, 11:25 am
The imagining of the Versailles NWO
and far more than today, the creators of the background thinking for policy,
and often policy makers themselves.
In his famous work, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, E.H. Carr (who was a
member of the British delegation at the Paris Peace Conference) makes a
particular point of attacking the ‘intellectuals’ who supported the call for a
change in the
prior to entry.
[See also: Amsterdam Treaty; Maastricht Treaty; Single European
Act; Treaties of Rome; Treaty of Nice]
A French anarchist/Maoist terrorist
group founded in 1979, Action Directe played an active role in European
terrorist networks until it was neutralised by a police operation in 1988.
It had links with the Basque separatist movement ETA and with Middle Eastern
which these opposite solutions would ostensibly be reconciled. To this end, Ben-Gurion summoned the ‘Arabists’ – those who had gained
intimate knowledge of the Arabs through their work in various institutions and
participated in the implementation of the Zionist policy – for consultations.
Yaakov Shimoni of the Middle East department in the Ministry for Foreign
Affairs argued that principally they should not be given political rights.
However, three days earlier, he composed a memorandum in which he outlined three alternatives regarding the non-participation of