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Refugees in Russia, 1914-18

the funds they collected went on v 96 v Refugees in Russia overhead costs. This was designed to enhance their legitimacy in the eyes of their members and of the Russian public at large.40 The provincial branches of the Tatiana committee were already in place in the spring and summer of 1915. The social composition of local branches was emphatically upper-class and bourgeois, comprising highranking officials, clergy, local government representatives, prominent local intellectuals, and ‘honourable citizens’ (pochetnye grazhdane). They dealt with the complex business

in Europe on the move
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significance is this? The actors I interviewed belonged to various circles of interest and involvement, all centred on the state. In the middle was the Government itself; subsequent, slightly wider layers comprised Labour MPs who might be expected to most closely support or identify with government policy; further out were layers containing MPs from other political parties; weaving in and out of all of these were the officials who, in one sense, were at the heart of the state, while at the same time removing themselves from a too-close identification with the Labour

in Britain and Africa under Blair

members believed that the national movement was based on the democratic bourgeoisie classes and that its policy towards the Bolsheviks was hypocritical: while they wanted to co-­operate with the Bolsheviks against Western capitalism, they did not depart from nationalist policies.35 The way Kemal reacted to the role of Suphi in establishing relations with Moscow was an important sign of the developing nationalist authority in foreign affairs. During the correspondence between Suphi and Kemal before and after the Baku Congress, the main issue was Suphi’s demand to

in Turkey facing east

unaffected by Communist propaganda and were segregated from the remainder, while among the junior NCOs and Other Ranks some two-thirds remained virtually unaffected. Of the remainder, most absorbed sufficient indoctrination to be classed as Communist sympathisers, but had most likely responded to the influence of normal home life upon their return. A small minority – about 40 altogether – returned home convinced Communists. But some had Communist leanings or affiliations before they went to Korea.1 Most British personnel had resisted Communist attempts to make them

in Britain’s Korean War

Cooper, 2000: 2). Scholars draw attention to the multiple and multi-layered character of identity (Citrin and Sides, 2004) and the influence of intersecting social factors, including gender, race, class, social standing and so on (YuvalDavis, 2007: 562–563). Even when they recognise that identity is likely to be multiple in practice, some argue that such identities do not (necessarily) clash. Instead, it has been proposed that some layers of identity are prone to comprise others (Taylor, 1989: 25). This is expected to be the case for emerging senses of (cosmopolitan

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
Sources of anti-Americanism

as an oxymoron. Such high-brow dismissal of all things American as crude and crass somehow forgets to mention, or even to recognise, that the United States is home to some of the world’s greatest museums and orchestras, world-class colleges and universities, and leading-edge hospitals and medical research. Or that 70 per cent of all Nobel Prize winners have been American. It ignores the fact that there must be something intrinsically attractive about a place that continues to act as a magnet for millions of people the world over to visit and live. MUP

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century

therefore cannot accurately know how Rwanda changed over the one hundred years from first contact with the West to 1994 when genocide tore the country apart. By 1894, as in 1994, Rwanda certainly had three separate groupings, though whether these should be described as racial, ethnic, tribal or social remains a matter of debate. As Richard Dowden explains, ‘the relationship between Hutus and Tutsis is unique, complex and very difficult for outsiders to comprehend. There are no words in English to describe it. Caste, class, race or tribe do not match the reality.’1 The

in The ignorant bystander?

-​ethnic; very different from the middle class and Ukrainian nationalist signature of the Maidan movement.7 Yet, the People’s Republic label adopted in rebel Donetsk and Lugansk was not a return to state socialism. The new entities took a socially conservative line and when the issue of nationalising Akhmetov’s assets was raised, the Donetsk leadership rejected it. The oligarch nevertheless turned against the insurgency in May and organised his workers to fight it, albeit with little success.8 Meanwhile regime change in Kiev had seriously weakened the Ukrainian state. The

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
Dominant approaches

, although political organisation is not intrinsic to the state of nature, one form of political organisation, the liberal state, constitutes the rational, universal and ‘natural’ progression from nature itself. It has often been observed that the historical emergence (and endurance) of the social contract as a powerful normative and explanatory metaphor for civil life is closely tied to the rise of the middle classes and the revolutions in social and political structures that accompanied the development of capitalism. The idea of the social contract

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
The concert system, 1815–1918

steer the system.68 Through their self-anointment, the largest states distanced themselves from all other states.69 In addition, only they were strong enough to affect the international system itself.70 By implication, all other states were considered second class. In fact, small states were termed “third tier.” This did not bode well for small states. It suggested inequality and provided a rationale for marginalization. Third-tier small states existed in the concert system but were never truly part of the system. The original four great powers were soon joined by

in Small states in world politics