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The case of the Timisoara revolutionaries

to go out in the streets, he would not attempt to topple the Ceausescu regime and would in fact choose to wait for a more reformist communist government.1 Another two leaders of the Timisoara Revolution, Claudiu Iordache and Lorin Fortuna have expressed similar feelings of disappointment and regret.2 The period immediately following the revolution, including the new political regime, the transition process and the series of democratic reforms, caught many of the revolutionaries by surprise. And yet, was that not what they were out in the streets for? Surprisingly

in Revolution, democratic transition and disillusionment

little primary research deals with the self-interpretation of republicans. 2 Secondary materials have been either journalistic, autobiographical or works dealing with particular events within the Catholic community. 3 The literature that offers the best insight into the construction of republican identity comprises surveys on attitudes of Protestants and Catholics, 4 books on high politics, 5 history literature, 6

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
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visionary. It is a leadership that can attract support from across the spectrum – hence the incredible diversity of opinion and experience presented within these covers (all of whom volunteered their services in the names of John Hume and Thomas P. O’Neill) – combined with an incredible tenacity to stand by one’s ideals no matter how dark the hour. The great conservative political philosopher, Edmund Burke, encapsulated the dilemma when he wrote that ‘[W]hen bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall, one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Security and insecurity in Indonesian Aceh and Papua

lives; hundreds of thousands have been displaced or experienced other losses. This chapter aims, first, to provide an assessment of the Indonesian state’s approach to security in these territories. It argues that its security policy is not especially sophisticated, but is instead, as in so many other settings, based on simplistic but frequently unquestioned notions about political

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific

laboratory for investigation of the dynamic between gender and security. Because of the protracted conditions of warfare in many Middle Eastern states, gender roles are structured to a great extent by the exigencies of the national security agenda throughout that region, and hence the predominance there of the military in political decision making. States in the Middle East are characterized by unsettled

in Redefining security in the Middle East

of this chapter: explicit expressions of opposition to anti-terrorism measures; denials of ‘victim’ or ‘outsider’ subject positions within the narrativisation of anti-terrorism measures and their consequences; and refusals to withdraw or abstain from established forms of political activity. By exploring conversations around issues of rights, participation, identity and duties, the analysis in this

in Anti-terrorism, citizenship and security
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date of state unification goes largely undisputed. The division of a nation is a far more difficult case to argue, however, let alone measure. Elsewhere I have studied political parties (Sutherland 2001 , 2006a ) and intellectuals (Sutherland 2006c ) as agents of nationalist ideology. In this case, the focus on state fusion and nation-building calls for analysis of macro-level actors, namely the governments who negotiate these changes. Recent

in Soldered states

. Analysts interpret this shift in different ways, with some seeing a move back towards Russia’s traditional ways, and others seeing a regrettable, or necessary, hiatus on the road to a fully-fledged democracy.1 However, whilst there may be discussion about the meaning and extent of President Putin’s change in approach, that there has been such a change is no longer disputed. In this book we argue that our understanding of a shift in the content of Russian politics can be served by refining our analytical approach towards Russia. Using a concept developed in the field of

in Securitising Russia

administration’s ‘public diplomacy’ initiative in the Middle East. What many observers fail to appreciate is that the construction of a military and political project on this scale – one that simultaneously extends externally over the entire globe and at the same time penetrates inwardly into almost every aspect of domestic life – could not be initiated or sustained without widespread public consent or at least

in Writing the war on terrorism

The notion of political consumption suggests that our everyday practices of consumption are ethical practices. It may be argued that these ethical practices become more important when children are involved as it is often argued that our ethical obligations to children require protection and care. As political consumers, we might seek actions such as protecting ‘our

in Global humanitarianism and media culture