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Magdalena Figueredo and Fabiana Larrobla

Between 1975 and 1979, thirty-one unidentified bodies bearing marks of torture appeared at various locations along Uruguays coastline. These bodies were material proof of the death flights implemented in neighbouring Argentina after the military coup. In Uruguay, in a general context of political crisis, the appearance of these anonymous cadavers first generated local terror and was then rapidly transformed into a traumatic event at the national level. This article focuses on the various reports established by Uruguayan police and mortuary services. It aims to show how,the administrative and funeral treatments given at that time to the dead bodies, buried anonymously (under the NN label) in local cemeteries, make visible some of the multiple complicities between the Uruguayan and Argentinean dictatorships in the broader framework of the Condor Plan. The repressive strategy implemented in Argentina through torture and forced disappearance was indeed echoed by the bureaucratic repressive strategy implemented in Uruguay through incomplete and false reports, aiming to make the NN disappear once again.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
John Harries, Linda Fibiger, Joan Smith, Tal Adler and Anna Szöke

This article will query the ethics of making and displaying photographs of human remains. In particular, we will focus on the role of photography in constituting human remains as specimens, and the centrality of the creation and circulation of photographic images to the work of physical anthropology and bioarchaeology. This work has increasingly become the object of ethical scrutiny, particularly in the context of a (post)colonial politics of recognition in which indigenous people seek to recover dominion over their looted material heritage, including the remains of their dead. This ethical concern extends to the question of how and under what circumstances we may display photographs of human remains. Moreover, this is not just a matter of whether and when we should or should not show photographs of the remains of the dead. It is a question of how these images are composed and produced. Our discussion of the ethics of the image is, therefore, indivisible from a consideration of the socio-technical process by which the photographic image is produced, circulated and consumed.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Colonialism, grave robbery and intellectual history
Larissa Förster, Dag Henrichsen, Holger Stoecker and Hans Axasi╪Eichab

In 1885, the Berlin pathologist Rudolf Virchow presented three human skeletons from the colony of German South West Africa to the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology and Prehistory. The remains had been looted from a grave by a young German scientist, Waldemar Belck, who was a member of the second Lüderitz expedition and took part in the occupation of colonial territory. In an attempt to re-individualise and re-humanise these human remains, which were anonymised in the course of their appropriation by Western science, the authors consult not only the colonial archive, but also contemporary oral history in Namibia. This allows for a detailed reconstruction of the social and political contexts of the deaths of the three men, named Jacobus Hendrick, Jacobus !Garisib and Oantab, and of Belck’s grave robbery, for an analysis of how the remains were turned into scientific objects by German science and institutions, as well as for an establishment of topographical and genealogical links with the Namibian present. Based on these findings, claims for the restitution of African human remains from German institutions cannot any longer be regarded as a contemporary phenomenon only but must be understood as part of an African tradition of resistance against Western colonial and scientific practices.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Still denominational and private
Karin Fischer

country trying to address this problem. But, sooner or later, we as a society have 114 114 S chools and the politics of religion and diversity to face this, that we cannot seriously go forward with a primary system unique in the developed world in which 99% of primary schools are privately owned religious institutions who, by law, must uphold one particular religious ethos.2 Three UN reports, published in 2005 by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, in 2006 by the Committee on the Rights of the Child (in charge of controlling the progressive

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
Karin Fischer

identity and citizenship in the 1999 primary-school curriculum, all school subjects may be studied for such a purpose, but some of them have a closer or more explicit link to issues of identity and citizenship.1 We will look more specifically at the way religion is handled within the context of these issues. In the Irish State, such links may be found more particularly in school history, Social, Personal and Health Education (SPHE) in primary schools, Civic, Social and Political Education (CSPE) in secondary schools, as well as RE or ‘Religion’, as it is often called in

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
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Why do governments pass FOI laws?
Ben Worthy

, 649). There is frequently both willingness and a pressure towards transparency as laws emerge from a volatile mix of principle, politics and symbolism (Michener 2015c). Numerous actors have, at least some of the time and to some extent, genuinely believed in transparency as a political ideal. Transparency laws, at least in theory, offer a politician a whole range of potential beneficial effects. Some are abstract and symbolic, positioning an actor as a champion, a believer in democracy, or offer- Conclusion: why do governments pass FOI laws? 187 ing them a

in The politics of freedom of information
Ben Worthy

and new governments responding to reformist impulses from within or without or seeking to create a new ‘open’ approach after a scandal (Berliner 2014, Darch and Underwood 2010). Politicians have many motives for introducing FOI, from the simple politics of wrong footing or neutralising opponents to the longerterm, calculating intention of securing access to information when they are out of power (Berliner 2014). Context is also key, as laws are frequently passed amid wider change or as a response to a particular problem. As well as calculation and context there are

in The politics of freedom of information
A legacy and an assault from within
Ben Worthy

9 Ireland and New Zealand: a legacy and an assault from within This chapter examines two very different cases. FOI in Ireland emerged from a secretive culture propelled by scandal and very specific coalition politics of the early 1990s. Bequeathed to a new government, it was severely cut back and then rebooted. New Zealand’s Official Information Act (OIA) represents perhaps the most unusual story, of a committee of the great and the good, composed of the normally ‘vested interests’, pushing a radical and decisively different sort of openness law. Ireland

in The politics of freedom of information
Abstract only
Michael Rush

Sweden and the USA represent divergent archetypes with competing influence on the international stage. The analysis shows that the American model upheld patriarchal-familism, marriage and male-breadwinning through a combination of laissez-faire and punitive approaches to fatherhood. On the other hand, the Swedish model dismantled patriarchy and revolutionised the gender relations of parenting. The Swedish model advanced the revolution in the social politics of fatherhood and parenting through the individualisation and non-transferability of parental benefits, including

in Between two worlds of father politics
Michael Rush

1 Welfare, gender and fatherhood Introduction This chapter highlights a paradox within academic debates about national variations in the social politics of fatherhood. On the one hand, it portrays the mid-1970s as a turning point in the social politics of fatherhood; first, through the invention of exponentially punitive child support enforcement programmes by the USA in 1974 (Hansen, 1999), and second, through the introduction by Sweden of father-inclusive parental leave insurance schemes also in 1974 (Klinth, 2008). Yet, on the other hand, the chapter shows

in Between two worlds of father politics