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promoting religious reform, fostering denominational pride, and asserting their loyalty to the United Kingdom.3 These comments suggest that Presbyterians should not have been concerned with Patrick and the early Irish Church. However, from the 1830s onwards, a variety of Presbyterian writers grappled with Ireland’s patron saint and in so doing used Patrick as a means of contributing to contemporary debates about historical scholarship, Church organisation, missionary activity, and identity politics. A study of Presbyterian interpretations of Patrick in the nineteenth

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Discovery

conclude that there was no popular Protestantism before 1558, we should note the evidence of very marked local variations. Margaret Spufford’s Contrasting Communities (1974) indicated the considerable difference in religious feeling between the populations of three villages. Willingham had a secret Protestant conventicle as early as Mary’s reign, an enthusiastic Protestant congregation thereafter, anti-episcopal spokesmen in the 1630s and, afterwards, a thriving Congregationalist church. Dry Drayton, on the other hand, despite having in its midst for twenty years the

in The Debate on the English Reformation

cause be the conservation of religion which cannot be observed unless by religious communities dwelling together in any adequate number and sufficient congregation; but the religious dispersed in these very small and imperfect monasteries do nothing other than bring religion into disrepute and confirm a bad opinion of religion. Accordingly let it be

in Monasticism in late medieval England, c. 1300–1535

friend, admirer, and patron of both orders, and they in turn participated energetically in the campaign on behalf of his canonisation, their later claims had the benefit of verisimilitude. The historical truth mattered little given that he had become a saint for all eternity back in 1297. No one was going to have to prove that the king of France belonged to any religious order. Not so for the wine porter of Cremona. 2 Figure 19 This anonymous portrait of Alberto, unmistakably a

in Indispensable immigrants

Chapter 9 From the Second World War to the Jacobs Affair in this book of the Chief Rabbis’ thought and policies from 1880 until 1945 enables us now to consider developments after that date in their proper context. Scholars have argued that there was a significant shift in the religious character of Anglo-Jewry between 1945 and about 1970, and we can examine whether that was indeed the case. The most significant event in Anglo-Jewish religious history in that period was the Jacobs Affair. It is around that controversy that most discussion is based, and I therefore

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970

grip on all its ministers and congregations. It is therefore simple Protestant propaganda which makes people think of Scotland as a Presbyterian country. There were Catholic enclaves in plenty; the Episcopalian Church (essentially an Anglican version or imitation), flourished in various parts of the Lowlands; and a variety of -isms which rose to bestrew the religious landscape, like mushrooms in the night.41 In 1690, to be sure, the Westminster Parliament had attempted to impose Presbyterian government on Scotland by statute, but the results were not what that body

in Beyond the witch trials
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, and with religious rioting in London and elsewhere. Dissenters’ meeting houses in the West Country were attacked in 1715, just as they had been a few years earlier during the Sacheverell controversy.12 There was also disunity within the nonconformist community in Devon itself, with internecine feuding that would eventually lead to the ejection of two ministers from their Exeter congregations in 1719.13 After so many decades circulating in manuscript form, the decision to publish Atkins’s sermon in Exeter itself during a time of such intense local and national unrest

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
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opportunities for their congregations. This is often seen as showing a resolve to improve the health of the body, as well as of the mind, by promoting ‘rational recreation’. It was part of a general movement to reform traditional working-class leisure habits, which were increasingly seen as incompatible with the values of modern society. Promoting these activities was also an effective means of encouraging church attendance. As well as providing the crucial commodity of land on which to play, religious organisations were able to assist in the organisation and running of clubs

in Cricket and community in England
The religious politics of burial

3981 Churchyard and cemetery:Layout 1 3/7/13 08:47 Page 172 6 ‘No differences are so deep as those which arise over the grave’:1 the religious politics of burial It has been commented – not least by this writer – that the introduction of the cemetery undermined the Church of England’s near-monopoly of burial provision. Evidence from changing burial provision in North Yorkshire provokes a return to that supposition, and raises the question of how far the Church of England did indeed lose control of burial space in the second half of the nineteenth century

in Churchyard and cemetery
Rabbi Dr Solomon Schonfeld and Manchester

as a hostel, they believed, for fifty young people of sixteen years and over. The Salford City Reporter quoted Fox as saying that his plan followed a meeting with the ‘Chief Rabbi’, at whose school in London the fifty youngsters were said to be.1 In fact, the article was a local journalist’s misreading of the link which Fox had established, not with the Chief Rabbi, but with the Chief Rabbi’s Religious Emergency Council which, its name notwithstanding, was the organisational base for the ‘manifold activities’ of the ‘inspired idealist’ and maverick British orthodox

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’