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Enthusiasm and Methodism

eighteenth century, it was almost always associated with the disordered religious and political life of sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury England. This chapter shows how and why contemporaries made that association. During William Warburton’s lifetime, Methodism was an intra-Anglican reform movement led by John Wesley and George Whitefield.9 Its founders aimed to revitalize the Church of England’s religious devotion, which they thought had become ossified, and to evangelize more broadly. ‘What a dead and barren time has it now been, for a great while, with all the churches

in Reformation without end
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Fiqh al-Aqalliyat (Muslim jurisprudence on minorities); Dina de-Malchuta Dina (the law of the kingdom is the law); Dar al-Islam (abode of Islam); Dar al-Harb (abode of war)

the West 175 in Whose hand is my soul, my Ummah [nation] will split into seventy-three sects: one will enter Paradise and seventy-two will enter Hell.’ \ Someone asked, \ ‘O Messenger of Allah, who will they be?’ \ He replied, \ ‘The main body of the Muslims (al-Jama’ah).’ \ (Awf ibn Malik (580 ce–c. 653 ce), one of the companions of Prophet Muhammad).29 Life’s needs and the continuing and growing immigration from sending countries are stronger than negative fatwas (Muslim religious rulings) that ban the immigration of Muslims to the Dar al-Harb countries, quite

in Haunted presents

1190.17 There are seven charters in her name from her second widowhood, the period 1193–96.18 Muriel was probably acting to secure her gifts in her old age, and was thus seeking to ensure the security of her favourite foundation after her death. Muriel de Munteni is a truly remarkable example of female influence expressed through two marriages and widowhood. The ways that she was involved in religious benefaction shows how noblewomen could participate in land transfers as witnesses, alienors and confirmers despite changes in the female life cycle. Without doubt

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm

Committee and the YMCA.8 Religion Cohen-Portheim claimed that ‘religion played an astonishingly small part in the men’s life’ although he did point to the availability of services.9 While his first assertion may contain some truth, so does his second. Religious life in the camps reflected the denominational make-up of both the German population and the German community in Britain before the war, with a majority Protestant community, a significant group of Roman Catholics and a small minority of Jews. Whether inside or outside the camps, religion played a role not simply

in Prisoners of Britain
Sites and rites, 1642–60

germane issues in a single sermon, he admitted that he was ‘compelled to borrow a little more time then is usually allotted to that Exercise’.54 This was no anodyne catechetical exercise, though, given the controversies over the emergent Baptists at that time. This was not, of course, the religious life that had typified the Abbey earlier in the century, but the transition from centre of avant-garde ceremonialism to power-house of public preaching was clearly a matter of adjusted priorities rather than sacrilegious neglect.55 As has already been noted, the removal of

in Westminster 1640–60

 –​only months after the formal sundering of Arminians and Calvinists, and more than forty years after the Formula of Concord –​goes beyond the problem of labels alone, or the disciplinary force that imposes them. It offers, instead, a candid analysis of ecclesial and professional division as forms of life, illuminating in Michel Foucault’s mature work a more interesting prospect: the re-​definition of con­ fessional practice away from a ‘hermeneutics of the subject’, and the articulation of a more local, civic understanding of the religious self, in which  197 Foucault

in Forms of faith
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This was published as a guest editorial in Anthropology Today , 29: 4, August 2013. An authoritative review of Akbar Ahmed’s The Thistle and the Drone was published by Malise Ruthven (Ruthven 2013b ). This book seems to me the finest of Akbar Ahmed’s many publications, blending a literary and religious sensibility with political and historical analysis, a

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
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Europe (Oxford, 1997), pp. 296, 298–9. 7 Ian Bostridge, Witchcraft and its transformations c.1650–c.1750 (Oxford, 1997), p. 4. 8 See Chapter 5. Introduction 3 argues that Hutchinson rejected witchcraft because he regarded it as a salient example of religious enthusiasm and as such inimical to his Whiggish vision of a polite, ordered, commercial society.9 Yet this interest in Hutchinson has not as yet yielded a full biographical study to explore his life, thought and career in its entirety, both in Britain and Ireland. The lack of such a study is all the more

in Witchcraft and Whigs
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distinctive religious practice, language and political outlook and merged with the host population, a trend which alarmed the Catholic Church in particular, provoking recurrent anxieties over ‘leakage’. But, as will be shown, significant numbers retained at least some of these features and eventually came to occupy prominent places in the social geography and cultural life of the city. Identity is a malleable social construction, subject to constant renewal and reinvention. During the period under discussion British national identity underwent some significant shifts in

in The Irish in Manchester c. 1750–1921

In 1947, Bresson went to Rome to work on a screenplay of the life of St Ignatius Loyola, founder of the Jesuits, which was never to be filmed. This renewal of his interest in the religious life bore fruit in Journal d’un curé de campagne of 1951, adapted from the celebrated novel by Georges Bernanos. Almost entirely faithful to the novel, Bresson’s film is nevertheless radically different from it

in Robert Bresson