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Croatia agitating for statehood before the 1990s. Nevertheless, Croatian nationalism, like its Serbian counterpart, was born of a sense of cultural submergence and political domination within Yugoslavia, and a perceived threat to Croatian language, culture, and religion. Nationalism came to the forefront in Yugoslavia during a period of decentralisation and liberalisation in the 1960s, when Tito was forced to tone down his hard-line policies on nationalism in return for Western loans. This opened a window of opportunity for a new generation of Croatian Communists, who

in Balkan holocausts?
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East

, 1998b : 215). The Middle East peace process 4 (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military–strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The MEPP fundamentally altered the structures and symbols of security and state-hood in the region, rendering the military option less popular, at least in the view of the international community. A more propitious climate for diplomatic

in Redefining security in the Middle East
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). The texts considered in this book may also be thought of as part of a broader inventory of ‘resources of hope’ (Brah, 2002: 39); their hopefulness and alterity coming closer to realisation at moments and in spaces when and where dominant paradigms can be more openly contested and challenged. The fact that the texts, written across two centuries from 1791 to 1987, remain inspirational points to their significance, not solely as sources of historical lineage for various contemporary social movements, but also insofar as the issues and ideals dealt within them are

in Mobilising classics
Open Access (free)
Reflections in a distorting mirror

ethno-territorially defined units with different status. On the first level were fifteen Soviet republics and six republics of the SFRY. They had all the institutional prerequisites of statehood, that is, political institutions, political symbols, constitutions and borders. Within those units, there were units of the second level, the autonomous republics, which also were ethno-territorially defined. While they enjoyed lesser

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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economic development, social disparities, and minority/majority relations represented by diverse societal interests. The sources of EU influence are derived from its universalist values, democratic norms of political behaviour, policy tools, incentives and resources, a modus operandi of institutionalisation of relationships, and legitimising discourses. Their principal value added is the opportunities

in The Europeanisation of conflict resolution

statehood’ can occur, whereby all social and political decisions are taken with a view to protecting the state’s ‘survival’ (Lasswell, 1941). Conscientious objectors are therefore vulnerable to being stigmatised for attacking the military and thus the survival of the body politic itself. Objectors’ performance in the public realm can thus, ironically, aid the state’s disciplinary mechanisms for preserving the status quo as the wider citizenry rallies to the ‘body politic’s’ defence and performs the tasks expected of them. Conclusion Compulsory military service profoundly

in Masculinities, militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign

Saint-Simon, an eccentric French aristocrat and founding father of sociology, uses the now-famous parable of ‘decapitation’ to illustrate the importance, in fact the social indispensability, of what he called ‘leading members’ of the ascendant ‘industrialist class’ – which closely approximates Vilfredo Pareto’s 1935 national ‘elite’ and Gaetano Mosca’s concept of the ‘ruling

in Violence and the state

cultural autonomy, territorial integrity, and symbols of statehood; on the other hand it insisted on the supremacy of the central state and government and strove for a state of affairs where national separateness and ethnic identity would ultimately wither away’.3 The USSR’s adoption of an ‘ethno-territorial’ form of federalism was originally designed as a temporary measure, adopted to entice the nonRussian nationalities to join the union. But as Gleason notes, such a principle entailed a recognition of the ‘national statehood’ of the constituent republics.4 Under Soviet

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia

problems’.5 Furthermore, FPA’s interdisciplinary character creates the possibility of breaking down boundaries among the disciplines of social sciences in general, sociology in particular and International relations (IR). According to Rengger and Hoffman:6 there were previous attempts in the late nineteenth century to identify international relations as an aspect of the developing discipline of sociology, thus firmly placing it within the history of the social sciences. These attempts to define the study of the international system as the sociology of world politics were

in Turkey facing east
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia

, Boutros-Ghali defined peace-building as ‘action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict’. 7 It is clear that the essence of this definition has shaped that employed by NATO, which states that: Peace building covers actions that support political, economic, social, and military measures and structures

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security