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Karl Polanyi’s quest for an alternative to the liberal vision of freedom
Michael Brie

of alienated statehood are for Polanyi not the goal, but the means to create the social conditions of responsible freedom. The horizon of transformation points beyond justice to the realm of freedom. It is the combination of injustice and lack of freedom in capitalism that Polanyi criticized (see [1927] 2018: 316). For this reason, Polanyi’s vision went beyond any reformism whose goal is to reduce structural inequality. Nor did he flee into etatism, which delegates all responsibility to the state. He was concerned with a non-capitalist and non-bourgeois society in

in Karl Polanyi and twenty-first-century capitalism
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Stephen Emerson and Hussein Solomon

also very different. As David Francis argues, the African state is “fundamentally different from the western-centric understanding of the state and statehood” and “is dynamic, incorporating indigenous and traditional norms of governance with the trappings of the Westphalian modern state.”35 And as such state reconstruction is not about replicating Western notions, but finding ways to more accurately reflect the reality of the African political and social environment. This will be a challenge not only for Africa but for the international community and the West in

in African security in the twenty-first century
Philip Cunliffe

disavowed empire – a process described, in the words of Niall Ferguson and, later, David Chandler, as ‘empire in denial’.11 If the discourse of vulgarised Leninism and American empire studies mixed crude economics and postmodern social theory, the discourse of these commentators was distinctly voluntaristic, borrowing the demotic language of self-help culture. David Chandler in particular identified state-building as a form of imperial disavowal, tracking how discussions over intervention in the developing world shifted over time. From questions of intervention – whether

in Cosmopolitan dystopia
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Globalization theory and India
Sagarika Dutt

. Narasimha Rao and former finance minister Manmohan Singh had played a key role in this process. Following the 2004 election, Manmohan Singh became prime minister of India and at the time of writing it is his government’s responsibility to take the process of economic liberalization forward. The Congress declared in its 2004 election manifesto that it is the only party ‘whose philosophy on governance is rooted in combining sustainable economic growth with social justice, and marrying economic liberalism to social liberalism’ (Indian National Congress, 2004). India is

in India in a globalized world
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

village-related interests. The problem is that the power of governments, international organisations and members of privileged classes is not comparable to that of peasants, street sellers and members of popular classes. It is this element that has to be embedded into accounts of resistance and analysed. A second implication is that placing subjecthood and agency on subordinated individuals and collectives historicises relations of domination. Though the different wars have had a great impact, subordination has a longer history. This history reflects the social and

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

diversity within a nascent, yet fragile, political unity. Joining together diverse entities in a regional union that respects their individual integrity, the constitutional structure of the Union challenges the organic theory of the polity, without relying entirely on the properties of ‘segmented differentiation’. From this stems its greatest merit as a system of mutual governance, but also its strongest concern: to provide equality of status to its members while allowing for a less rigid understanding of sovereign statehood. In fact, the TEU offers an advanced conception

in Theory and reform in the European Union
The development of Indian identity in 1940s’ Durban
Paivathi Raman

-help – bereft, as they were, of citizenship rights and faced with discrimination in areas of employment, housing and services. The Indian community came to occupy a marginalised and ambivalent position in the political and social landscape of South Africa. The making of community was, however, a contentious project. Indians were not transformed into a single and essentialised ethnic group; rather, the South African Indian community has been differentiated over time, its material circumstances in continual flux. At times, Indians have

in Rethinking settler colonialism
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Daniel Laqua

internationalism reveals how, by the late nineteenth century, ideas about ‘nationality’ and ‘nationhood’ had become central ways of interpreting the world. Activists were at pains to stress that ‘nationalism’ and ‘internationalism’ were not conflicting ideologies. The sociologist Adolphe Quetelet offers a case in point. As organiser of the first International Statistical Congress in Brussels (1853), he made an early contribution to internationalism in Belgium.1 However, in his work Du Système social et des lois qui le régissent, Quetelet sounded a cautious note. He recognised

in The age of internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley

, 1998b : 215). The Middle East peace process 4 (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military–strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The MEPP fundamentally altered the structures and symbols of security and state-hood in the region, rendering the military option less popular, at least in the view of the international community. A more propitious climate for diplomatic

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Nigel D. White

powers, may either control its creators or be controlled by them. The norm is somewhere in between these two extremes, although the fact that states control the world’s military and economic capability means that the norm is often closer to member states being in control. IGOs remain practically and politically dependent upon member states, although they are normally legally independent. Membership of IGOs is dominated by states, and many of the legal issues revolve around the question as to whether an applicant meets the basic criteria of statehood, or whether it has

in The law of international organisations (third edition)