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Just as the founding of the first European Communities in the 1950s produced a backlash in the 1960s and 1970s, the second phase of integration has also met with resistance. Recent challenges to the classic narrative have taken a number of forms: the desire of the new member-states from East-Central Europe for recognition of their suffering under communism, the growing economic problems brought about by the Eurozone crisis, and the threat of disintegration posed by Brexit. In the case of European expansion, continental institutions and existing member-states were again confronted by conflicting understandings of the European past. In particular, the states of the east have challenged the central place of the Holocaust and the image of Auschwitz in the classic narrative of integration. The combined monetary, banking, and sovereign debt crisis brought on by the Great Recession of 2008 merely reinforced these cleavages. This was followed by the Brexit vote on 23 June 2016 and is further threatened by the rise of populism and the spectre of additional votes to leave the EU. These proximate challenges have been compounded by rise to power of the first generation of European leaders with no personal memories of Europe’s age of total war.
. In Jamaica, where unemployment was estimated at about 15 per cent of the labour force in 1953, by the early 1960s emigration had probably reduced unemployment both relatively and absolutely (Tidrick, 1973 : 191). Admittedly some aspects of the organisation of the out-migration were taken over by metropolitan and local elites through State institutions. However, the decision to migrate has always been
-century.’ The sixty-eighters changed European memory culture by forcing individuals and the discourses of remembrance in the west to confront the atrocities of industrially organised slaughter. 4 Despite their influence on domestic politics and on the narrative of European integration, the activism of the 1960s and 1970s coincided with the institutional stagnation of the European project. By this period, Monnet, Schuman, Adenauer and much of the rest of the Erfahrungsgeneration (the ‘generation of experience’), who were born in the late nineteenth century and had lived
transnational histories of race, however, its appearance, carnival associations and supposed Moorish origin resonate uncomfortably with ‘Zwarte Piet’, the black-faced servant in Dutch Christmas traditions, whom Dutch people of colour and anti-racists have been protesting against since the 1960s (see Wekker 2016 : 139–67). The morčić attracts no comparable protests, either during carnival or in Rijeka's tourist promotion. It is mostly viewed as a quirky, unproblematic memento of the Venetian Adriatic (when Venice ruled much of the Istrian and Dalmatian coast, though not
historical issues. At the same time, it was also evident that such efforts were less concerned with rethinking anthropology and history by blurring disciplinary boundaries and more with expressing conventional anthropological considerations by drawing on historical materials and understandings, many of which remained suspect to the professional historians of the time. Also, well into the 1960s, these efforts
1960s, in a style that might be described as ‘altered-state philosophy’. Along the way Venichka generously details cocktail recipes for those who might be foolish or brave enough to try them, such as ‘Dog’s Giblets’, which consists of beer, shampoo, anti-dandruff solution, superglue, brake fluid, and insecticide, marinaded in cigar tobacco for a week.1 The novel’s full title is Moscow–Petushki: A Poem, but the helter- skelter mix of genres takes it beyond a prose poem, as helpfully outlined half-way through the journey: ‘God only knows what genre I’ll be in by
‘hippie’ culture, ‘free love’, and mind-expanding substances associated with the new social movements of the late 1960s were far from the cultural politics associated with Frankfurt intellectuals. Culturally, Marcuse was out of step with the more measured Habermas. To understand the triumph of Habermasian intersubjective pragmatics over new sensibility, one must consider cultural
innocence and idea, the space and time, of India. 17 Emergences These mid-twentieth-century modernists had arguably anticipated the unraveling of the South Asian nations from the 1960s onwards. If in Pakistan such undoing entailed the central place of authoritarian governments and military regimes, in India the idealism of the past was replaced by a manipulative politics, cynical
prominent paradigms within the social sciences, the former till the 1960s and the latter till the 1970s. 46 The two traditions have understood “structure” differently. Yet both have accorded primacy to the object(s) of structure over the subject(s) of history, emphases that worked in tandem with their privileging of synchrony over diachrony. All of this defined the atemporal predication of human action upon
independence in 1979, the island saw itself no longer as a periphery or, to use colonial parlance, a ‘minor colony’, and by the end of the twentieth century the term ‘city’ began to be used to describe the capital. Other major features of modernisation included land reclamation by dredging along the Kingstown harbour in the 1960s and, to the east of the town, the construction of a deep-water harbour; a central