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Anna Green and Kathleen Troup

product of a recent resurgence of this ‘Anzac legend’. According to the legend, during the Great War Australian soldiers proved to themselves and to the rest of the world that the new breed of Anglo-Celtic men from the south was worthy to rank with the nations of the world. Gallipoli, where the Australians first went into battle on April 25 1915, was regarded as the baptism of fire of the new Australian Commonwealth, and the commemoration of Anzac Day on April 25 each year became the Australian equivalent of American Independence Day or Bastille Day in France (without

in The houses of history
Disease, conflict and nursing in the British Empire, 1880–1914
Angharad Fletcher

professional life to the instigation and expansion of nursing infrastructures in New South Wales and her ‘frontier experiences’, her links to the ‘old country’ and her military experiences (particularly at Gallipoli), allow her to be easily assimilated within the early formation of notions surrounding Australian nationalism. More specifically, her encounters have rendered her an integral part of the feminised reshaping of the Anzac Legend, the controversial and evolving cultural concept founded partially upon the apparent personal qualities of the romanticised Antipodean

in Colonial caring
Public discourse and the conditions of silence
Elizabeth Furniss

the Gallipoli massacre in particular became transformed into a story – the Anzac legend – that symbolises what are purported to be key Australian national values: courage, valour and heroic suffering, where war becomes the proving ground of national character and death in war the ultimate patriotic sacrifice. 15 The pervasiveness of the Anzac legend is immediately evident not only in Australia’s national holiday (Anzac Day) but in the numerous war memorials and monuments found in state capitals and small country towns alike

in Rethinking settler colonialism
No more ‘Australia for the White Man’
David Olds and Robert Phiddian

converted: those who made up the conservative, Anglocentric White Australia of the Old Bully; who voted for Menzies over Ben Chifley's Labor Party in 1949 (see Figure 14.4 ); and who saw in Australia's involvement in Korea a continuation of the Anzac Legend founded in the two world wars ( Figure 14.5 ). Figure 14.4 Ted Scorfield, ‘Going my way – on a full petrol-tank?’, The Bulletin , 30 November 1949, p. 5

in Comic empires
Andrekos Varnava

Growing up in Australia I could not avoid the Anzac legend and the Australian pride in the contribution of their ancestors to both World Wars. These contributions, especially at Gallipoli, play an important role in Australian national identity in new and evolving ways. 1 As an Australian of Cypriot heritage the place of the Great War in the Australian national script

in Serving the empire in the Great War
Geoffrey Cubitt

of remembrance increasingly focused on the memories of bereaved civilians. They might also display varied and complex reactions to the mythical representations of their wartime exploits and experiences that public commemorative culture sometimes embodied. Thus, as Thomson has shown, a construct such as the ‘Anzac legend’, with its celebrations of the fighting spirit, manliness and mateship of the (supposedly) typical Australian digger, might provide many veterans with a helpfully positive affirmation of their own values and experiences and thus with a viable

in History and memory
Abstract only
Jonathan Moss

., p. 769. 78 This is also demonstrated by A. Thomson’s well know example of Fred Farrell and the Anzac legend, A. Thomson, ‘Putting Popular Memory Theory into Practice in Australia’ in R. Perks and A. Thomson (eds), The Oral History Reader (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 300–311. 79 P. Summerfield, ‘Culture and Composure: Creating Narratives of the Gendered Self in Oral History Interview’, Cultural and Social History, vol. 1 (2004), pp. 65–93, at p. 93. 80 L. Abrams, Oral History Theory (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), p. 47. 81 Todd, ‘Class, Experience and Britain

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85
Timothy Bowman

(Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1983), pp. 1–46. 52 J. Beaumont, ‘The Anzac Legend’, in J. Beaumont (ed.) Australia’s War, 1914–18 (Allen & Unwin Ltd, St Leonards, 1995), pp. 159–160. To date, there is no detailed study of Australian troop discipline during the Great War. 53 J. A. Crang, ‘The British Soldier on the Home Front: Army Morale Reports, 1940–45’, in P. Addison and A. Calder (eds.), Time To Kill: The Soldier’s Experience of War in the West 1939–1945 (Pimlico, London, 1997), pp. 60–76; D. French, Raising Churchill’s Army: The British Army and the War against Germany

in The Irish regiments in the Great War
Penny Summerfield and Corinna Peniston-Bird

, in Thomson’s research, to emphasise aspects that conformed to ‘the Anzac legend’ as opposed to those that did not. But in the case of histories that have been entirely hidden, and about which there is no legend, audiences’ non-recognition of the subject matter is likely to be profound, and to have a powerful silencing effect that works to the detriment of memory. As we have seen, the men of the Home Guard were well embedded in popular memory as a result of their representation both in wartime and in late twentieth-century popular culture. Dad’s Army generated a

in Contesting home defence
History, myth, and the New Zealand Wars
Kynan Gentry

Pakeha imagination: ‘The children played old-world soldiers at Waterloo, not Rangiriri, and new-world soldiers at the Wagon Box, not Ngatapa’. 86 By the time The New Zealand Wars was published, the ANZAC legend had also already shown itself to be far more adaptable to the myth of war experience, not to mention less controversial. 87 The New Zealand Wars had even arguably been surpassed in

in History, heritage, and colonialism