Cities under economic austerity:
the return of citizenship claims
Citizenship is the engine for the creation of spaces for collective action when
people’s life chances have been undermined and urban societies experience
social and political tensions. Low wages and unemployment challenge social
citizenship and so do the diminishing economic and social entitlements of
workers. Historically the first two – wages and unemployment benefits –
were the battlefield of industrial and social citizenship. But the other two
gradually became incorporated
On the global stage the British diaspora, proportionate to its population, remains one of the largest. This book is the first social history to explore experiences of British emigrants from the peak years of the 1960s to the emigration resurgence of the turn of the twentieth century. It explores migrant experiences in Australia, Canada and New Zealand alongside other countries. The book charts the gradual reinvention of the 'British diaspora' from a postwar migration of austerity to a modern migration of prosperity. It is divided into two parts. First part presents a decade-by-decade chronology of changes in migration patterns and experience, progressing gradually from the postwar migration of austerity to a more discretionary mobility of affluence. It discusses 'pioneers of modern mobility'; the 1970s rise in non-white migration and the decline of British privilege in the old Commonwealth countries of white settlement; 'Thatcher's refugees' and cosmopolitanism and 'lifestyle' migration. Second part shifts from a chronological to a thematic focus, by drilling down into some of the more prominent themes encountered. It explores the interplay of patterns of change and continuity in the migrant careers of skilled workers, trade unionists, professionals and mobile academics. The push and pull of private life, migration to transform a way of life, and migrant and return experiences discussed highlight the underlying theme of continuity amidst change. The long process of change from the 1960s to patterns of discretionary, treechange and nomadic migration became more common practice from the end of the twentieth century.
devaluation, and austerity-oriented fiscal policies are used to complement and
Labour policies in a deflationary environment 269
reinforce the structural reforms. Consequently, the landscape of industrial
relations has deeply changed and the ‘European social acquis’, rooted in social
dialogue and public systems of social protection, is everywhere in retreat. A
‘toxic austeritarism’ (Hyman, 2015) ‘has left little or no margin for domestic
democratic institutions and social actors, downgraded from political to executive subjects’ (Leonardi, 2016).
The long crisis and the
The bank guarantee and Ireland’s financialised neo-liberal growth model
alternative cure but austerity, with
Ireland again featuring as a prime example.
This chapter looks at how the bank guarantee epitomises the Irish case of
the perverse legacy of the crisis and the contradictory path of neo-liberalism.
Discussing the bank guarantee and the ensuing crisis is to wade into by now
well-worn territory. The crisis has generated endless commentary which identifies a range of culprits for Ireland’s economic disaster, including a cast of
nutty bankers, greedy builders, public sector wasters, crony politicians, inept
bureaucrats and, more broadly
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio
which has also presided over extensive labour
Constructing the public sphere in the realm of work and
In a comparative study of the impact of austerity on Southern European economies since 2008, Koukiadaki and colleagues (2016) have argued that those
normally right-wing and/or elite European Commission-based commentators
and politicians criticising the lack of labour flexibility in Greece, Portugal and
Spain have tended to ignore the fact that these systems emerged from oppressive
regimes where you would not have anticipated the
example, went through successive stages of austerity
up to the early 1960s, and the emigration of the period was itself one of
austerity. By contrast, the succeeding decades, with some interruptions,
ushered in a relative age of prosperity and affluence, and from the 1970s
a decline of income differentials between Britain and receiving countries.3 The changes heralded a gradual shift to a migration of prosperity, best exemplified by the discretionary choices migrants faced when
they moved, not just for better employment opportunities but in search
The 1980 Moscow boycott through contemporary Asian–African
authorities and media. There was no single boycott, as re-examination of the
boycott within different national contexts shows a complicated variety of purposes for
joining the boycott, ranging from public display of governmental fiscal austerity by
corrupt regimes, to support for a growing pan-Islamic movement, to reinvigorating
the non-aligned movement in order to punish a belligerent superpower, to enforcing
authoritarian rule at home. The 1980 boycott also resonated with the memory of
previous Olympic protests, particularly Indonesia’s attempt to create an alternate
This book is a tribute to Enzo Mingione and his contribution to the fields of sociology and urban studies on the occasion of his retirement. It touches upon the processes of transformation of cities to the informal economy, from the Fordist crisis to the rediscovery of poverty, from the welfare state and welfare policies to migration and the transformation of work. These themes constitute the analytical building blocks of this book on the transitions that Western capitalist societies are undergoing. The book focuses on social foundations of Western capitalism, explaining how socio-economic and institutional complementarities that characterised postwar capitalism created relatively integrated socio-economic regimes, It has five thematic sections reflecting five areas of capitalism, the search interests of Enzo Mingione. The first discusses the transformations of global capitalism, addressing how capitalism works and how it changes. The second provides insights into the mechanisms of re-embedding, in particular how welfare policies are part of a societal reaction to capitalism's disruptive dynamic. The third addresses some main challenges that citizenship systems established in the post-war period have had to face, from the spread of new employment regimes to new migratory flows. The fourth addresses cities and their transformation and the final section addresses poverty and its spatial dimension as a crucial lens through which to understand the differentiated impact of the processes of change in Western capitalist societies, both in socio-economic and spatial terms.
the pressure applied upon government and the Royal Commission on Betting,
Lotteries and Gaming (Willink) of 1949–51.
Much to the chagrin of the bookmakers the Attlee government then decided
to even up on on-course betting. In his 1948 Budget, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer Sir Stafford Cripps, ‘Austerity Cripps’, the very man who had so vehemently and unfairly criticised greyhound racing for interfering with production
during the Second World War, imposed a tax on bookmakers attending greyhound meeting, which varied according to the number of bookmaking
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.